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3234757	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Nakaligtas si Escort Edwin sa bangis ni Meme Vice matapos niyang humirit na mas pogi pa siya kay Kuyz Ion Perez sa pamamagitan ng pagpapalabas niya ng pagiging komedyante niya! #GMANetworkMadlang Kapuso, join the FUNanghalian with #ItsShowtime family. Watch the latest episode of "It"s Showtime" hosted by Vice Ganda, Anne Curtis, Vhong Navarro, Karylle, Jhong Hilario, Amy Perez, Kim Chui, Jugs & Teddy, MC & Lassy, Ogie Alcasid, Darren, Jackie, Cianne, Ryan Bang, and Ion Perez.Monday to Saturday, 12NN on #GMA Network. #ItsShowtime #MadlangKapusoFor more It"s Showtime Highlights, click the link below:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOrbo1gjPILNyCBKw7tSgxQrJWatch It"s Showtime full episodes It's Showtime: Edwin, INALIW ANG 'It's Showtime' family sa pagiging KOMEDYANTE! (Escort Mo, Show Mo) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 734	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-06 20:17:14 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234756	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Sa pagpasok ng ating mga natatanging escorts, ipinakita nila ang kanilang natatanging kapogian, husay, at wit! Sino kaya kina Escort Edwin at Escort Alvin ang magwawagi? #GMANetworkMadlang Kapuso, join the FUNanghalian with #ItsShowtime family. Watch the latest episode of "It"s Showtime" hosted by Vice Ganda, Anne Curtis, Vhong Navarro, Karylle, Jhong Hilario, Amy Perez, Kim Chui, Jugs & Teddy, MC & Lassy, Ogie Alcasid, Darren, Jackie, Cianne, Ryan Bang, and Ion Perez.Monday to Saturday, 12NN on #GMA Network. #ItsShowtime #MadlangKapusoFor more It"s Showtime Highlights, click the link below:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOrbo1gjPILNyCBKw7tSgxQrJWatch It"s Showtime full episodes here:https://www.gmanetwork.com/fullepisodes/home/its_showtime It's Showtime: ANG BANGGAAN NG KAGUWAPUHAN, ESCORT EDWIN VS ESCORT ALVIN (Full Escort Mo, Show Mo) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 790	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-06 20:18:56 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234755	无图 Sino-sino kaya ang magiging final dance star duos hanggang dulo? Patuloy na panoorin sa "Stars on the Floor" tuwing Sabado, 7:15 p.m. sa GMA! Stars on the Floor: Final dance star duos this Saturday! \| GMA Entertainment	查看 141	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-06 20:04:20 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234754	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): As Tonyo"s (Dennis Trillo) team advances the investigation into Victor Santiago"s (Al Tantay) case, the syndicate, aided by a mole within the police force, abducts their key witness Selena (Lizel Lopez). At the same time, Bobby"s (Jennylyn Mercado) foster sister, Reign (Patricia Coma), is kidnapped. #GMANetwork #GMADrama #KapusoGet ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sanggang-Dikit FR: Full Episode 33 (August 6, 2025) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 640	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-06 23:56:13 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234753	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Matapos ang matagal na panahon ay tuluyan nang napatawad si Bobby (Jennylyn Mercado) ng kanyang kinakapatid na si Reign (Patricia Coma) dahil sa pagkamatay ng kanyang ina. #GMANetwork #GMADrama #Kapuso Get ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sam Pinto, and more! #SanggangDikitFR For more Sanggang-Dikit FR Full Episodes, click the link below: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOra4VA0p2JJkeWaBQwbiaXfw Sanggang-Dikit FR: Ang kapatawaran na pinakainaasam ni Bobby (Episode 33 - Part 1/3) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 687	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-06 23:57:58 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234752	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Ngayong nawawala ang kanyang kinakapatid na si Reign (Patricia Coma), muli na naman bang mawawalan ng mahal sa buhay si Bobby (Jennylyn Mercado)? #GMANetwork #GMADrama #Kapuso Get ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sam Pinto, and more! #SanggangDikitFR For more Sanggang-Dikit FR Full Episodes, click the link below: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOra4VA0p2JJkeWaBQwbiaXfw Sanggang-Dikit FR: Bobby, muling mawawalan ng minamahal sa buhay? (Episode 33 - Part 2/3) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 661	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-07 00:00:20 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234751	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Muling malalagay sa alanganin na sitwasyon ang imbestigasyon ng team nina Bobby (Jennylyn Mercado) at Tonyo (Dennis Trillo) ngayon na muling napasakamay ng sindikato ang star witness ng kapulisan. #GMANetwork #GMADrama #Kapuso Get ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sam Pinto, and more! #SanggangDikitFR For more Sanggang-Dikit FR Full Episodes, click the link below: Sanggang-Dikit FR: Star witness, dinakip ng sindikato! (Episode 33 - Part 3/3) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 639	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-07 00:02:30 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234750	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Muling kikilos ang ahas sa kapulisan at maglalagay ng tracker sa abogado na pupunta kay Selena (Liezel Lopez) upang matunton siya ng mga sindikato. #GMANetwork #GMADrama #Kapuso Get ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sam Pinto, and more! #SanggangDikitFR For more Sanggang-Dikit FR Full Episodes, click the link below: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOra4VA0p2JJkeWaBQwbiaXfw Sanggang-Dikit FR: Ahas sa kapulisan, muling ipapahamak ang kanilang operasyon (Episode 33) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 663	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-07 00:05:40 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234749	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Dahil sa tulong ng CCTV footage, malalaman ni Bobby (Jennylyn Mercado) na dinakip ng isang pekeng ahensya ang kanyang kinakapatid na si Reign (Patricia Coma). #GMANetwork #GMADrama #Kapuso Get ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sam Pinto, and more! #SanggangDikitFR For more Sanggang-Dikit FR Full Episodes, click the link below: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOra4VA0p2JJkeWaBQwbiaXfw Sanggang-Dikit FR: Kinakapatid ni Bobby, biktima ng fake agency! (Episode 33) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 674	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-07 00:07:26 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234748	无图 Aired (August 6, 2025): Natunton at nadakip na ng mga sindikato si Selena (Liezel Lopez) dahil sa tracker na nilagay ni Robles (John Vic De Guzman) sa abogado na ipinadala ng kapulisan. #GMANetwork #GMADrama #Kapuso Get ready for a wild ride of action and comedy na FOR REAL! Catch the latest episodes of Sanggang-Dikit FR, airing Monday to Friday at 8:50 PM on GMA Prime! Starring Jennylyn Mercado and Dennis Trillo, with Roi Vinzon, Joross Gamboa, Chanty Videla, Allen Dizon, Al Tantay, Liezel Lopez, Sam Pinto, and more! #SanggangDikitFR For more Sanggang-Dikit FR Full Episodes, click the link below: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGRhcC_vtOra4VA0p2JJkeWaBQwbiaXfw Sanggang-Dikit FR: Selena has been tracked down! (Episode 33) \| GMA Entertainment	查看 677	古迪亚电视台	2025-08-07 00:09:36 2025-08-07 03:09:25	word
3234747	无图 <p>Datuk Prof Dr Mohd Faiz Abdullah appeared in Bernama on 7 July 2025</p><p>KUALA LUMPUR, July 7 (Bernama) —If the French were expecting a deferential guest, they did not get one. When Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim rose to speak at the Sorbonne on 4 July, his address was both a nod to France’s intellectual tradition and a measured challenge to its strategic assumptions.</p><p>Woven with references to Sartre and Montesquieu, Camus and Tocqueville, and the Pirenne thesis to boot, it was a tour de force in intellectual diplomacy – at once appreciative and unsparing, gracious, yet audacious.</p><p>The visit, the first by a Malaysian leader to France in 15 years, was a success by most diplomatic metrics.</p><p>There were new Airbus orders, deeper energy cooperation with PETRONAS, joint ventures in artificial intelligence (AI) and carbon capture, and warm nods to rising student exchanges. But the real significance lay in Anwar’s message, and its subtext: Southeast Asia is done being spoken for, let alone spoken down to.</p><p>If Europe wants to be present in the Indo-Pacific, it must learn to listen.</p><p>Anwar is no stranger to rhetorical flourish. But behind it was a sharp proposition: Europe must stop seeing Southeast Asia as a theatre for its anxieties – about China, about global disorder, about the fraying of Pax Americana – and start engaging it as a self-assured, diplomatically agile region that neither courts conflict nor shirks complexity.</p><p>The Sorbonne speech was neither anti-Western nor triumphalist in nature. It was something rarer: calibrated, with measured cadence.</p><p>“We are used to being described,” the Prime Minister said.</p><p>“We are less accustomed to being heard.” In one line, he captured decades of misapprehension.</p><p>From colonialmissions civilisatricesto the strategic templates of today’s think tanks, Southeast Asia has often appeared in Europe’s imagination as either a developmental ward or a geopolitical flank.</p><p>Yet ASEAN, as Anwar reminded his audience, is the world’s fifth-largest economy and a laboratory of democratic metamorphosis – not perfect, but incrementally improving.</p><p>The Prime Minister did not shy away from hard topics. On Ukraine, he upheld international law but cautioned that “our region – and ASEAN in particular – is not a geopolitical mirror to be held up to another’s crisis.”</p><p>On Gaza, he called the war a “collapse of conscience” and criticised the selective application of humanitarian concern. On Iran, he backed non-proliferation but insisted that dialogues –not double standards –must anchor global order.</p><p>French President Emmanuel Macron received the message with composure.</p><p>At their joint press conference, he echoed Anwar’s call for a ceasefire in Gaza, reaffirmed France’s support for a two-state solution, and condemned Israeli strikes on Iran as lacking legal basis. He also nodded to the broader point: that universal values must not be applied selectively. Sure, not all that glitters is gold but it was still a rare moment of moral convergence, if not full alignment.</p><p>But it was in trade – not war – where Anwar delivered his firmest message. Europe, he implied, cannot ask for deeper economic ties while clinging to regulatory structures that feel increasingly skewed.</p><p>For many in Southeast Asia, the European Union’s (EU) standards – however well-intentioned – function less as neutral guardrails and more as protectionist obstacles. Agricultural exports, processed foods, and pharmaceuticals face layers of certification and restrictions. European negotiators tend to arrive assuming their standards are not just high, but self-evidently the model for others to adopt. That presumption is now being met with measured resistance.</p><p>Malaysia, like many of its peers, is not asking for lower standards. It is asking for honest conversation about the practical effects of high ones. Patent terms, for example, are contentious. The EU seeks longer periods of exclusivity. In developing countries, this affects access to life-saving medicines. And that we cannot, and must not, do.</p><p>The imbalance goes deeper. Southeast Asian nations are expected to meet stringent environmental, labour and governance criteria, yet often find little flexibility in return. There is little allowance for differences in legal systems, social compacts or development stages. The European position thus begins to resemble leverage masquerading as principle.</p><p>“That means seeing regulation as dialogue to come to a formula for mutual gain, not fiat pointed at the head for capitulation.</p><p>“Let us be clear: we do not ask for indulgence. We ask only that Europe meet us where we are, not where its models presume we ought to be,” Anwar said.</p><p>Europe hopes that bilateral deals – like the one still under negotiation with Malaysia – will evolve into a full ASEAN-EU free trade agreement. But that ambition may remain stalled if the substance of the relationship lags behind its symbolism.</p><p>“Consensus ad idem is as crucial in geoeconomics as it is in geopolitics, and some say even more,” Anwar quipped, invoking a legal phrase meaning meeting of minds.</p><p>Still, the mood in Southeast Asia is shifting. Engagement will remain strong – but deference is no longer part of the deal. Condescending collocutors,vous n’êtes pas le bienvenu.</p><p>Anwar said, “We welcome partners. But we welcome them as equals.”</p><p>Europe should take note. In an increasingly multipolar world, engagement is not a favour bestowed but a partnership earned. If the after-dinnertête-à-tête, originally set for 10 minutes, but which lasted three-fold longer, is anything to go by, then somewhere along the way, Anwar and Macron must have struck the right chords.</p><p>Tocqueville once wrote that democracy is not just a system of rules but also a habit of the heart. And so, increasingly, is diplomacy.</p><p>This article first published in Bernama on 7 July 2025</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> Anwar In Paris: Recalibrating The Terms Of Engagement \| ISIS	查看 6030	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-07 08:01:43 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234746	无图 <p>Jaideep Singh was interviewed by BFM89.9 on 8 July 2025</p><p>Presenter: Lee Chwi Lynn, Sharaad Kuttan</p><p> Producer: Alia Zefri, Sneha Harikannan, Tee Shiao Eek</p><p>Selangor’s Menteri Besar Dato’ Seri Amirudin Shari has announced that the state is expected to introduce a circular economy framework within the next two years. We speak to Praveena Nair Sivasankaran, senior lecturer at the School of Engineering, Faculty of Innovation & Technology at Taylor’s University about what a circular economy framework would look like in its implementation.</p>Trump Ups Tariffs: US President Donald Trump has revealed higher tariffs for several countries including Malaysia, in a push for new trade deals before tariffs are imposed on August 1st. He has also threatened additional 10% tariffs on countries aligning themselves with BRICS nations. We talk to Jaideep Singh, a research analyst at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) about the implication of this.<p>- Advertisement -</p> BFM podcast: Top 5 at 5: Selangor to Implement Circular Economy Model \| ISIS	查看 1012	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-09 09:23:02 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234745	无图 <p>Jaideep Singh was featured onAl Jazeera English on 9 July 2025 as part of their daily news bulletin.</p><p>Southeast Asian foreign ministers are arriving in the Malaysian capital for high-level talks, with the threat of US trade tariffs expected to top the agenda. Members of the 10-nation ASEAN bloc face some of the highest levies announced by Donald Trump.</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> ASEAN nations confront Trump’s US tariff threats at Kuala Lumpur talks \| ISIS	查看 390	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-10 09:23:02 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234744	无图 <p>Yanitha Meena shared her views on the ASEAN meetings on 14 July 2025, focusing on Malaysia’s chairing of the East Asia Summit, in Free Malaysia Today.</p><p>The 58th Asean Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, wrapped #FMTExclusive #Asean #MyASEAN2025 #58thAMM pic.twitter.com/dEHd7YIC8E</p><p>— Free Malaysia Today (@fmtoday) July 14, 2025</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> The 58th Asean Foreign Ministers’ Meeting \| ISIS	查看 361	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-16 08:00:02 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234743	无图 <p>Updated tariffs kick in on 1 August but Malaysia has bargaining power to secure exemptions for critical sectors.</p><p>If there was ever any doubt that US President Donald Trump’s tariffs were nothing but political, recent American actions have made this abundantly clear. Early this month, Trump announced updated duties on imports from 25 nations through a host of template letters.</p><p>Abandoning attempts to justify the tariffs using fictitious formulae, the letters talked about everything but trade. Brazil faces a 50% tariff because of Trump’s disapproval of Brasilia’s internal politics. Canada’s latest duty of 35% rests on trumped-up claims of fentanyl trafficking.</p><p>Malaysia was not spared. For no clear reason, Trump’s letter to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim raises Malaysia’s tariff from 24% to 25%. More worryingly, the revised rate now covers “any and all” of Malaysia’s US$43 billion (RM182 billion) exports to the US.</p><p>This means critical exports like semiconductors are no longer tariff-exempt, at least unless a subsequent Truth Social post or amended executive order indicates otherwise. Previously, 45% of Malaysia’s exports to the US were explicitly excluded from Trump’s “reciprocal” tariffs, primarily in the electrical and electronics (E&E) sector.</p><p>Barring any deal, about 13% of Malaysia’s total exports will become more expensive overnight. US demand for Malaysian goods will come up against intense competition from markets subject to lower tariffs, such as the Philippines and Singapore.</p><p>Until 7 July, US-Malaysia trade talks seemed to be progressing well. Negotiations had entered their second round. Trump’s team boasted of signing “90 deals in 90 days”. So, what happened?</p><p>It is premature to conclude that the negotiations failed outright. Even close US allies like Japan and South Korea were targeted despite months at the negotiating table.</p><p>There was just not enough time for both sides to come to a reasonable agreement on the scope of trade liberalisation. Trade agreements generally take many months, if not years, to finalise.</p><p>To date, the US has yet to conclude a substantive trade deal, beyond vague framework arrangements with the UK, Vietnam and Indonesia. Trump’s latest play is to raise the stakes out of frustration with the inevitably slow pace of talks.</p><p>Malaysia has until 1 August before the updated tariffs kick in. In the meantime, Putrajaya’s priority should be to secure tariff exemptions or reductions in key sectors, including E&E.</p><p>A critical consideration is that US tariffs are likely to stay for some time. The UK, despite its bilateral trade deficit, could not push tariffs below 10%. Tariffs on Indonesia and Vietnam still hover around 20 per cent.</p><p>Rather than chasing marginal across-the-board cuts, Malaysia should focus on sectors most exposed to the US, both in dollar terms and as a share of exports. Machinery and E&E products should top the list, as they make up 55% of Malaysia’s US-bound exports.</p><p>This is more important than dismantling all our tariffs and non-tariff measures in the hopes of a hollow deal. Such an approach sets a dangerous geoeconomic precedent, leaving Malaysia vulnerable if the US reneges on any deal later.</p><p>Instead, Malaysia should address legitimate concerns in a calculated way without surrendering its policy space.</p><p>One step is to strengthen legislation against “origin washing”, or the illegal transshipment of foreign goods to circumvent US tariffs. Another is to increase imports of high-profile American products, such as aircraft and soybeans, to signal goodwill. Domestic regulations no longer serving credible public policy objectives, such as Malaysia’s 2022 ban on compliant US poultry imports, should also be revisited.</p><p>In this political game, bargaining power matters and Malaysia has it. It relies less on US import demand than Vietnam. Malaysia is also the US’ largest trading partner in semiconductor products, backed by an established ecosystem of US-led investment.</p><p>If they come to pass, semiconductor tariffs would hurt Malaysia but they would also damage the US. One example about 13,000km away shows this symbiosis in practice.</p><p>Idaho, a heavily Republican state, imports more from Malaysia than any other country. One of Idaho’s largest employers is Micron Technology, a semiconductor giant with operations in Malaysia. The company’s high-value R&D activities in Idaho complement its back-end processes in Penang and Johor.</p><p>Of course, Trump is not averse to throwing the baby out with the bathwater through self-destructive tariffs. But Malaysia could make the political costs of such tariffs clear, highlighting that Trump’s own electoral base would be in the direct line of fire.</p><p>At the same time, Malaysia must continue to diversify trade, positioning itself as a bridge between the Global South and North. Washington’s whims should not distract from the existential task of strengthening economic complexity and equitable growth at home.</p><p>There is no quick fix to the challenges that the tariffs have created. The ongoing trade realpolitik demands a strategic, nuanced response. That will serve Malaysia better than hasty concessions to a volatile partner.</p><p>This article first appeared in New Straits Times on 20 July 2025.</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> Malaysia’s best response to Trump’s tariff play \| ISIS	查看 5415	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-18 09:23:02 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234742	有图 <p>Thomas Daniel was quoted in Heinrich Böll Stiftung Southeast Asia, 18 July 2025</p><p>ASEAN is navigating turbulent waters. As US-China tensions escalate and Trump’s return brings a new wave of tariffs, Southeast Asia’s hard-won gains are under threat. Once a quiet beneficiary of trade diversion, ASEAN now faces shrinking space for neutrality. ASEAN needs to hunker down and address its chronic weaknesses – as well as look beyond the big powers.</p><p>ByJohanna Son</p><p>In just half a year, the world as seen through Southeast Asia’s eyes has changed dramatically.</p><p>In December, just before the start of Malaysia’s role as ASEAN chair this year, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim spoke of an ASEAN that aims to influence the world, a player on the brink of “a second renaissance”. In May 2025, he opened the ASEAN summit on a different note, saying ASEAN needs to use its “fortitude and staying power to withstand the headwinds and weather the storms of the challenges and uncertainties facing us.”</p><p>“A transition in the geopolitical order is underway and the global trading system is under further strain, with the recent imposition of US unilateral tariffs,” Anwar said. At the ASEAN foreign ministers’ meeting in July, he said: “Tariffs, export restrictions and investment barriers have now become the sharpened instruments of geopolitical rivalry.”</p><p>ASEAN is trying to make sense of a turbulent international landscape in both the geoeconomic and geopolitical spheres.</p><p>In April, ASEAN found itself hit hard by US President Donald Trump’s tariffs. Individual countries have been making offers to get the rates reduced before the announced implementation date of August. Vietnam and Indonesia have reached trade deals by giving the US full access to their markets.</p><p>Days after their leaders’ summit on 26 May, ASEAN countries listened to US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth describe Southeast Asia through its lens of deterring “Communist China” at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. While they have a “geographic necessity” to seek economic cooperation with China and defense cooperation with the US, he said: “Beware the leverage that the CCP [Chinese Communist Party] seeks with that entanglement. Economic dependence on China only deepens their malign influence and complicates our defense decision space during times of tension.”</p><p>At the US dialogue with ASEAN foreign ministers in July, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said, “The United States is a committed partner to ASEAN”. But it was also around this time that Trump sent letters to many countries, ASEAN nations included, updating unilateral tariffs that pry their markets open to US goods.</p><p>ASEAN’s DNA</p><p>These ‘messages’ from Trump’s United States strike a discordant note with ASEAN, whose DNA is multilateralism – whether in trade or diplomacy – as a default mode of operation, a tool for development and shaping the regional architecture.</p><p>Global rules and norms, after all, are more valuable to smaller or less powerful countries. Given how its member states were divided along Cold War fault lines, ASEAN does not see the world as an ‘either-or’ one and is allergic to being locked in any power’s corner.</p><p>It sees its capital as a club that has criss-crossing political, security and economic ties, can draw rivals into the same room, and talk to anyone and everyone.</p><p>While ASEAN is no stranger to making its way through geopolitical rivalry, the antagonistic turn in US-China ties threatens to shrink the strategic space it has nurtured for itself.</p><p>ASEAN’s modus operandi is to engage with both sides and to hope that a bit of competition is good. It gives ASEAN space and to be able to play one against the other probably, but a real clash would be very difficult for ASEAN,” Dewi Fortuna Anwar, who is with the Social Science Commission of the Indonesian Academy of Sciences and chairwoman of The Habibie Center’s board of directors, said in the ‘Straight Talk Southeast Asia’ podcast.</p><p>“When we talk to the Americans and Chinese, we say two things. Number one, don’t make us choose,” Joseph Chinyong Liow, dean of the college of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University, said at a May discussion on US and Southeast Asia ties at Columbia University’s Weatherhead East Asian Institute. “Number two, please view Southeast Asia for who we are, and don’t view us through US-China, the lens of competition that the two of you have.” At the same time, ASEAN is very tuned in to how powers react to its engagement with them, he points out.</p><p>At the Shangri-la Dialogue, Prime Minister Anwar said: “What Southeast Asia needs is a dynamic equilibrium that enables cooperation without coercion, and balance without bloc politics.”</p><p>Preserving autonomy</p><p>ASEAN is far from homogenous, but has been able to hold a consensus among its members on managing the big powers’ contest for influence – even though subsets of its members do navigate more in the orbit of China or the US.</p><p>The US’ military and security relationships with ASEAN countries are a security pillar in the Indo-Pacific. Since 2022, under the Biden administration, there has been a US-ASEAN ‘Comprehensive Strategic Partnership’ in place. The US is the leading investor in the region, accounting for over 22% of foreign direct investments in ASEAN.</p><p>But ASEAN and China are each other’s largest trade partners. The US is ASEAN’s second largest trading partner after China. The volume of ASEAN’s exports to the two powers do not vary a lot, going by 2023 ASEAN statistics. But the value of ASEAN’s imports from China was more than three times that from the US (409.5 billion dollars versus 126.1 billion dollars) that year.</p><p>In 2024, the US’ goods trade deficit with ASEAN stood at 227.7 billion dollars, an 11.6% increase from 2023 – a deal breaker for the Trump administration.</p><p>In their web of interactions with major powers, ASEAN countries have made deft use of the space they created to develop agency, in pursuit of their interests.</p><p>For instance, a US treaty ally like Thailand buys military equipment from China – in fact, from 2004 to 2023 it purchased more arms, in terms of value, from China than from the United States. Singapore is a key pathway for Chinese investments into Southeast Asia, but holds regular military exercises with the US. The US navy’s logistical command in Singapore supports US patrols in the South China Sea – where several ASEAN nations have territorial disputes with China – and almost 1,000 members of Singapore’s armed forces train in the US at any one time.</p><p>But the unpredictability of Trump’s brand of international relations is a challenge.</p><p>Today’s US-China rivalry, Liow said, is a situation where “you have two great powers locked in competition who are kind of not happy with where things are and want to do something about it.” He added: “The US feels that it’s been taken advantage of by a bunch of allies who really are not allies, but are freeloaders. The Chinese feel that they’re not being given the recognition they deserve.”</p><p>As ASEAN finds the US an unpredictable trade partner, feels squeezed by US-China competition and worries about a fracturing international landscape, it needs to strengthen its internal moorings. Among its list of to-dos are deepening integration among its member countries, pursuing more free trade arrangements within and without the region and more than ever, growing and diversifying its connections beyond the US and China.</p><p>ASEAN’s unveiling of the ‘ASEAN Community Vision 2024’, its 20-year roadmap for deeper integration and better resilience, is a key part of this homework. It is a software update of sorts that includes priorities such as the green economy, the digital economy, sustainability.</p><p>Malaysia’s theme as ASEAN chair, Inclusivity and Sustainability, itself reflects how the regional grouping has to put more work into its internal strength, says Thomas Daniel, director of foreign policy and security at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia. “Inclusivity and sustainability might seem simple at the outset, but is also a demand that ASEAN step up – in mindset, policies and practices – to ensure that it remains dynamic, resilient and fit for purpose,” he said. “It is as much a vision as it is a wake-up call.”</p><p>In what Anwar called its “widening its strategic aperture” as part of its “habits of cooperation”, ASEAN continues to talk to more countries – and markets – like the Gulf and the Europe.</p><p>The day after the ASEAN summit in May, ASEAN held the first ASEAN-Gulf Cooperation Council-China summit, a trilateral initiative that Anwar said would “connect ASEAN’s energy and talent with the Gulf’s capital and China’s scale.” It came on the heels of ASEAN’s second summit with the GCC, which is made up of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.</p><p>“Preserving our autonomy is not about resisting others, Malaysia’s Anwar said at the Shangri-la Dialogue. “It is about strengthening ourselves.”</p><p>In the same event, French President Emmanuel Macron – after visiting Vietnam and Indonesia – pitched the idea of a “third way” that ASEAN and Europe can pursue as a “common agenda” through “strategic autonomy” from big powers.</p><p>“ASEAN and Europe are impacted by the unpredictability of the new tariff approach and the end of a rule-based order for our trade,” said Macron, adding that France would release its updated Indo-Pacific strategy in weeks. “Both the Europeans and the Asians are much more intertwined than we thought,” he explained, calling for a “coalition of independents” that want to have choice and avoid overdependence on others, and maintain a rules-based international order.</p><p>There is much catching up to do, says Celine Pajon of the Centre for Asian and Indo-Pacific Studies of the French Institute of International Relations. “The waning influence of Europe in Asia is clear, suffering from perceptions of double-standards, institutional complexities and wavering commitment to the region,” she said.</p><p>While the European Union is ASEAN’s third largest trade partner, its total goods in trade (299.7 billion dollars) was just over 60% of ASEAN’s trade with the US (476.8 billion dollars) and less than a third of ASEAN-China goods in trade (982.3 billion dollars) in 2024.</p><p>The EU wants to pursue new-generation trade agreements with ASEAN and with the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), Macron said. In mid-July, Indonesia and the EU agreed to finalize a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement.</p><p>From dividend to vulnerability?</p><p>ASEAN countries now face the challenge of reducing the vulnerabilities that stem from the dividends they reaped from the 2018 US-China trade war under the first Trump administration. That had set off a process of trade diversion that made ASEAN economies a “connector of trade” between the two superpowers, as Sarah Chan wrote in a brief for the National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute.</p><p>In this system of recalibrated global supply chains, corporations and countries, including from China, rerouted exports to the US through countries like Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand and Malaysia, which provided manufacturing bases to go around the US tariffs.</p><p>Trump’s 2025 tariffs threaten to shut off this connector role, even as ASEAN countries have become more reliant on exports to the US, and imports as well as investments from China. Their interdependence with China has created more jobs at home, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic. ASEAN economies worry that the trade tensions will hurt their appeal as investment destinations, and cut into GDP growth rates.</p><img src="https://www.isis.org.my/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/substack-image-repasean-infographic-tariffs-17-jul.jpg.webp" rel="noopener noreferrer">licence: CC-BY-NC-SA 4.0</p><p>picture: RizkyJogja<p>Having learned its lesson from the first Trump administration – that training tariffs only at China would not fix its trade deficits – the second one is now targetting the rest of the world too, including Southeast Asia.</p><p>“ASEAN economies once again find themselves caught in the crossfire between the world’s two largest powers. This time, however, the implications are far more significant,” Chan explained. “The realignment of China’s manufacturing supply chains has created jobs and entire industries over the past five years. Another shift could unwind parts of this manufacturing ecosystem and threaten people’s livelihoods.”</p><p>Malaysia’s earlier request for a summit with the US to discuss trade did not lead anywhere. Vietnam agreed to a 20% tariff on its exports to the US in early July, in exchange for tariff-free access by the US to its market. On 16 July, the US announced a 19% tariff deal with Indonesia. In both cases, there will be add-on tariffs (40% for Vietnam) on exports found to be transshipped – mainly goods from China’s manufacturers.</p><p>In their 26 May summit, ASEAN leaders set up a high-level advisory Geoeconomic Task Force to coordinate responses.</p><p>At the same time – as it hunts for new markets – ASEAN countries worry about seeing imports flooding in from China.</p><p>What can ASEAN do? Look beyond China too, and carry more of its own weight.</p><p>“The solution lies in strengthening domestic manufacturing,” Priyanka Kishore, director and principal economist at Asia Decoded, told a discussion hosted by the Singapore-based ISEAS-Yusof Institute. ASEAN should close its huge gap with China in labour productivity, she says, since ASEAN’s has grown by an average of just 2.8 per cent in the last decade or less than half of China’s.</p><p>ASEAN also needs to fix a chronic weak link – the low level of trade among its 10 member states. In both Malaysia’s Chairman’s statement for the 46th ASEAN Summit and a separate ASEAN statement on “global economic and trade uncertainties”, the association said it would strengthen its resilience by “further deepening internal trade and investment”.</p><p>Intra-ASEAN trade accounted for just 21.5% of its total trade in 2024. This figure has not changed much since 2015, when the ASEAN Community was launched.</p><img src="https://www.isis.org.my/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/substack-image-repasean-infographic-intra-asean-trade_0.jpg.webp" rel="noopener noreferrer">licence: CC-BY-NC-SA 4.0 picture: Johanna Son<p>ASEAN upgraded its ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement at the May leaders’ summit. When concluded later in 2025, its digital economy framework agreement should be another integration tool, as is the rising trend in cross-border transactions in local currencies.</p><p>While the current environment holds many challenges, Daniel says ASEAN is used to having a “very long-term vision”, such as its ASEAN Community Vision 2045, that sees beyond immediate concerns. “Operating with challenging internal and external realities is not new for ASEAN,” he said.</p><p>“ASEAN is flawed in many ways, but it is a pragmatic organisation,” Daniel explained. “This has always guided ASEAN through its many challenges, even if it has been at a slower pace than some are comfortable with.”</p><p>_____</p><p>Johanna Son, who has covered Southeast Asia for over three decades, is the editor and founder of the Reporting ASEAN series, whose newsletter is here.</p><p>Disclaimer:<i>This published work was prepared with the support of theHeinrich Böll Stiftung. The views and analysis contained in the work are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the foundation. The author is responsible for any liability claims against copyright breaches of graphics, photograph, images, audio, and text used.</i></p><p>_____</p><p>This article first published in Heinrich Böll Stiftung Southeast Asia, 18 July 2025</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> In a turbulent world, ASEAN needs to do its internal homework \| ISIS	查看 16052	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-22 00:00:43 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234741	无图 <p>Datuk Prof Dr Mohd Faiz Abdullah appeared in Forum, The Edge Malaysia Weekly on 29 July 2025.</p><p><p>WHEN countries throw caution to the wind in this current round of “Liberation Day” tariff wars, desperately pursuing what they imagine as immediate wins or geopolitical strides, they run the risk of destroying the very foundations of their trade regimes.</p><p>Hard-won and time-honoured tenets in trade relations enshrined in the World Trade Organization (WTO) are reduced to ashes, leaving them — developing economies — stuck in a dead end with no wiggle room to manoeuvre. When that happens, echoes of ABBA’s haunting refrain “the winner takes it all” come to mind, bringing no relief to those at the losing end.</p><p>This seems to be the conclusion drawn about the fate of Indonesia with US President Donald Trump’s recent victory chant of having secured a “landmark” trade deal with Southeast Asia’s largest economy and the world’s most populous Muslim-majority democracy.</p><p>For the US, it certainly looks like the mother lode of deals, as it gives the US unprecedented access to a market of 282 million people, the titan of Asean member states as far as population size goes.</p><p>Yet, it doesn’t take much to see that behind the fanfare, the so-called breakthrough looks more like unmitigated capitulation, signalling the emergence of the geopolitics of unconditional surrender, not seen since the days of gunboat diplomacy which reigned supreme during the age of imperialism.</p><p>True, there is no display of menacing naval forces, unlike those days when the mere flexing of military muscle would be good enough to do the trick. Today, economic coercion by the strong and the powerful suffices for the gunboat metaphor to place the weaker economies under duress.</p><p>In this case, the much-touted “deal” is clearly a lopsided arrangement tilted heavily in favour of Trump’s America that will see Indonesia dismantling all tariffs and non-tariff barriers on US goods. In return, the US will impose a 19% tariff on Indonesian exports. This gives new meaning to the expression “turning the other cheek” — not because this arrangement marks a dramatic departure from conventional trade norms, but because it showcases the mother of all trade inequities.</p><p>Trump claims that Indonesia will commit to purchasing US$15 billion (RM63.5 billion) in energy products, US$4.5 billion in agricultural goods, and 50 Boeing aircraft. These are staggering figures, but without a full text of the deal, the motivations, mechanisms and legality of these commitments remain opaque.</p>Absurd deal<p>But if these details are verified and hold true, they raise troubling questions about fairness, reciprocity and Indonesia’s long-term economic sovereignty. This is not free trade, let alone fair. This is not even managed trade. This is a developing country unilaterally giving preferential access to the world’s most powerful economy, with little to no reciprocal benefit. Such a one-sided deal can never be a bargain and is unheard of in modern trade diplomacy.</p><p>The deal, as framed, resembles a perverse inversion of the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), a scheme meant to help developing nations access wealthier markets in developed countries. For example, under the European Union’s GSP and Everything But Arms arrangements, countries like India, Indonesia and Bangladesh have been granted duty-free and quota-free access for selected products exported to the European single market to promote sustainable economic development and poverty reduction. But in this instance, the scheme is stood on its head, with Indonesia as the donor and the US as the beneficiary — a reversal so stark it borders on absurdity.</p><p>By scrapping all tariffs and non-tariff barriers on US goods, Indonesia is effectively handing over key policy options and losing valuable negotiating power. In contrast, the 19% tariff the US slaps on Indonesian exports raises trade barriers, leaving Indonesian industries vulnerable and defenceless. Instead of creating a fair playing field, this set-up deepens the existing imbalance and chains Indonesia to a state of structural disadvantage.</p>Access to Asean market<p>More worryingly for Asean, this arrangement could open the door for the US to use Indonesia as a backchannel into the wider regional market, potentially facilitating a surge of transshipped goods to other Asean member states. Over time, such a vulnerability could erode the bedrock of the Asean Economic Community and distort the integrity of intra-regional trade dynamics.</p><p>Although rules of origin and trade remedy mechanisms exist, enforcement remains uneven across the region. Limited institutional capacity and persistent resource constraints, common across much of Asean, pose significant hurdles to effective monitoring.</p><p>The risk of American goods being dumped in Indonesia and subsequently entering neighbouring markets undetected is, therefore, very real. In the absence of robust tracking systems, duty-free imports into Indonesia may ultimately find their way into proximate countries, such as Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, and even further afield into the Philippines, Cambodia and Laos, bypassing applicable tariffs and regulatory safeguards.</p><p>Not that it’s of any consolation, but Indonesia is just one of many developing economies facing Washington’s increasingly coercive trade demands. In Vietnam’s case, the US agreed to cap tariffs on Vietnamese exports at 20%, and 40% on goods suspected of transshipment, down from the previously threatened 46%. In exchange, Washington gained “total access” to the Vietnamese market, with Trump declaring that US exports to Vietnam would face zero tariffs.</p><p>Yet, beyond avoiding immediate penalties, Hanoi received little of substance. The concessions extracted by the US covered sensitive areas, such as technology standards, digital trade and regulatory alignment. Vietnam, meanwhile, was left with nominal perks, such as a market economy designation, symbolic at best, with no clear or tangible gains to offset the structural asymmetry of the deal.</p><p>Meanwhile, India and the US are engaged in ongoing negotiations, with Trump signalling optimism. And Trump is certainly drinking to New Delhi’s reported offer of deep concessions, including slashing tariffs on bourbon whiskey from 150% to 100% and exploring reductions on more than 55% of US exports. Nonetheless, it remains to be seen whether this preemptive capitulation will avert looming reciprocal tariffs of up to 26% on Indian goods.</p><p>Brazil, for its part, was hit with a sudden escalation of tariffs, rising from a baseline of 10% to a punitive 50% on all its exports to the US, effective Aug 1. This move was ostensibly in retaliation for domestic legal proceedings involving former president Jair Bolsonaro and was widely perceived as a coercive tactic by Washington. In response, President Lula invoked Brazil’s Economic Reciprocity Law and vowed to impose matching tariffs if negotiations fail and no deal is reached.</p>Red flags<p>These episodes are clear signs of transactional pressure wielded through economic might, damaging multilateral norms, erasing domestic policy autonomy and deepening dependencies for developing economies under volatile US trade whims.</p><p>What sticks out is Trump’s political game plan. By opting to raise tariffs, he sidesteps the Congressional oversight required under the Trade Promotion Authority, which mandates legislative approval for trade deals that liberalise market access. Tariff hikes, by contrast, can be imposed unilaterally under existing executive powers, allowing Trump to reshape trade terms without Congressional input.</p><p>For Trump, this is a tactical win: a symbolic “America First” knockout blow scored without legislative meddling. However, for Indonesia, the picture is much murkier. Unlike the US, Indonesia must go through domestic processes, including possibly parliamentary or ministerial scrutiny, to amend its tariff regime. This consumes political capital and risks triggering domestic backlash.</p><p>The nature of the proposed US$19.5 billion in Indonesian purchases also warrants closer review. Are these market-driven commercial transactions or state-led procurement pledges that may involve the use of public funds? If it is the latter, Indonesia risks distorting its own domestic market by possibly sidelining local suppliers and prioritising imports. At the same time, it would be extending preferential procurement access without securing comparable privileges in return.</p><p>More broadly, the deal sets an alarming precedent. It rewards US hardball tactics, even coercive diplomacy, and signals that developing countries can be pressured into accepting lopsided arrangements. It also arms the US with a rhetorical cudgel: “Indonesia agreed, after Vietnam, and so has India. Why can’t you?”</p><p>As a red flag to Malaysia’s authorities, it bears stressing that in the pursuit of short-term gains or geopolitical favour, developing economies must guard against sacrificing valuable policy space and hard-won trade principles enshrined in the WTO, such as the provisions on Special and Differential Treatment. Deals like this risk eroding the flexibilities accorded in the multilateral trading system, undermining domestic industries, weakening procurement sovereignty and compromising a country’s ability to negotiate effectively in future trade talks.</p><p>Before declaring such deals victories, we must ask: a win for whom, and at what cost? More importantly, can the Global South still claim strategic autonomy if we keep conceding ground in the name of cooperation? And how much more policy space must we give up before we start drawing the line?</p><p>This isn’t the moment for symbolic victories. Vietnam was the first to blink and now Indonesia is bending backwards. India appears to be staggering on the precipice of surrender. And yet, while Brazil has been among the hardest hit, it looks like they are holding on fast to their guns. Needless to say, China hasn’t budged an inch. This is crucial to send the message that the Global South must stop mistaking access for agency. It’s time we moved beyond pleading for inclusion and began asserting leadership, not from the sidelines but from the centre. Anything less may well be capitulation masquerading as diplomacy.</p></p><p>This article first appeared in Forum, The Edge Malaysia Weekly on 29 July 2025.</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> My Say: Why Indonesia’s deal with Trump raises alarm bells \| ISIS	查看 10546	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-07-30 08:01:43 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234740	无图 <p>With India’s growing profile in the Indo-Pacific, to make its engagement with Southeast Asia or the Act East Policy itself solely about China, ignores the fact that New Delhi has interest in the region independent of Beijing and vice-versa. This is severely reductionist and by and large, a grave misconception</p><p>The recently concluded ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference with India saw the adoption of the new ASEAN-India Plan of Action (2026–2030), which will guide both sides in realising the full potential of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership over the next five years. This is in line with India’s vision for its Act East Policy (AEP) in Southeast Asia.</p><p>As the Act East Policy enters its second decade, the overarching question pertinent to Southeast Asia is how this policy framework can be made more effective to enhance engagement with ASEAN and its member states. The conceptions of India’s redesignation of “Look East” to “Act East” in 2014 have been overwhelmingly attributed to India’s strategic competition with China — against the backdrop of the latter’s growing influence in Southeast Asia. But 10 years later, with India’s growing profile in the Indo-Pacific, to make its engagement with Southeast Asia or the Act East Policy itself solely about China, ignores the fact that New Delhi has interest in the region independent of Beijing and vice-versa. This is severely reductionist and by and large, a grave misconception.</p><p>However, there remain questions on India’s evolving role as a rising power and its engagement with Southeast Asia, seeing how the emerging, dynamic Indo-Pacific order has given new strategic meaning to India. This reinforces the argument that there is a lack of understanding of India’s aspiration and strategic positioning. That brings us to an important question, what role does India hope to play in the Indo-Pacific through the AEP vis-à-vis its relations with Southeast Asia?</p><p>In the last decade, India has been touted to play the role of “balancer” to a more assertive China. Against the backdrop of the South China Sea dispute, major power rivalry and trade and economic disruptions, perceptually, New Delhi’s rise and the AEP makes it a natural balancer for Southeast Asia.</p><p>Dhruva Jaishankar in his book Vishwa Shastra: India and the World argues that while New Delhi has the potential to play the role of “balancer”, more specifically an economic balancer, much work must be still done before this is realised. With Indian Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal recently slamming the nature of the India-ASEAN trade relationship, perhaps India is not ready to fully embrace this role of economic balancer.</p><p>But this concept of balancer also means that the India-Southeast Asia relationship is viewed through a China lens or even US-China prism, and this does not give enough credit or currency to the value of India’s ties with the region. In many ways, being a balancer reduces the India-Southeast Asia relationship to a product of, for and by China. Following Indian foreign policy, the semantics that come out of New Delhi, and the trajectory of India’s relations with ASEAN and ASEAN member states in recent years, it is clear that this is not the role India envisions for itself, nor how Southeast Asia distinctly views India.</p><p>Is India then a growing normative power? Does the AEP provide the necessary policy framework to support India for this role in the region? At the 2025 Raisina Dialogue, to a question on whether India has the appetite to be a normative power in the region with its growing role in the Global South, Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar indicated that while New Delhi may not explicitly use the term to describe its role, as the most populous country in the world, India’s Global South mobilisation efforts certainly cannot be ignored, as these will continue to set standards for cooperation.</p><p>India’s role as a normative power is, however, reliant on the extent to which ASEAN and its member states identify with and cooperate within India’s Global South agenda and Indian-led initiatives. It also heavily depends on how consistent and creative India is with its initiatives. This means keeping the momentum on proposals announced at ASEAN summits and focusing on the public goods delivery aspects of mega initiatives like the MAHASAGAR. Underpinned by its AEP, India’s active presence in mechanisms like IORA, BRICS, BIMSTEC which function on the basis of addressing shared regional challenges through niche area cooperation also serves as a key enabler to its budding role as a normative power.</p><p>Moving forward, whichever role India envisions for itself with the hope that it resonates with Southeast Asia, India must focus on three main aspects of its ties with the region. First, a strong strategic partnership is indicative of a strengthened AEP. India has a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with ASEAN, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, a Comprehensive Partnership with Thailand and Enhanced Partnership with Brunei. These partnerships can be seen as the structural and functional manifestation of India’s outreach and engagement via its AEP and so it is crucial that they are fit for purpose and in tune with geopolitical realities.</p><p>Secondly, there must be thoughtful continuity in the initiatives announced during ASEAN summits. For example, if India wishes to “advocate for the Global South” as announced in the 12-point proposal during the 2023 ASEAN-India Summit in Indonesia, then it should have also been reaffirmed in the 10-point plan in a more detailed manner during the 2024 ASEAN-India Summit In Laos. Consistency in optics, semantics and the chosen “lexicon” is essential for India’s role-building in the region.</p><p>Finally, there must be greater synergy between ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative. This must be clearly demonstrated, and one way to do this is active participation in the ASEAN Indo-Pacific Forum. Periodic assessment of the progress in cooperating within these frameworks and clearly highlighting successes will not only aid in shaping the trajectory of relations but help quantify the power and increasing relevance of the AEP over the years.</p><p>Thisarticle first appeared in The Indian Express on 1 August 2025</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> India, ASEAN, and the battle for influence in Southeast Asia \| ISIS	查看 6387	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-08-05 09:23:02 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234739	无图 <p>Success rests on incorporating the needs and views of citizens</p><p>Urban renewal is crucial in an ever-urbanising country but only if done right.</p><p>Urban renewal refers to the rejuvenation of dilapidated areas within an urban setting. It is a longstanding issue that has plagued many countries across the globe as urban settlements expand at unprecedented rates. With 80% of the Malaysian population expected to reside in urban areas by 2030, the government is rightfully worried about the physical and environmental harms that urban degeneration may bring, raising a sense of urgency.</p><p>As such, the Urban Renewal Act, set to be tabled during by the Ministry of Housing and Local Government, has been proposed to facilitate the process of urban redevelopment. This piece of legislation aims to undercut longstanding processes and regulations impeding the restoration of old buildings. Historically, the Strata Titles Act 1985 required unanimous consent from property owners, complicating redevelopment efforts. With the proposal of the latest act, consent thresholds are now determined by building age instead.</p><p>While well-meaning in its intention to expedite redevelopment processes hindered by the strict consent threshold imposed upon by the Strata Titles Act 1985, concerns remain. Anxiety surrounding this act stems from fears that careless implementation may result in the displacement of local populations and the gentrification of communities to make way for private development.</p><p>At present, a total of 534 urban developments have been identified as in need of renewal, with 139 in Kuala Lumpur alone, putting thousands of residents at risk in Malaysia’s capital and beyond. This has raised alarm bells among civil society and residents, who fear a potential abuse of this legislation in favour of private developers.</p><p>Murky stakeholder engagement </p><p>The views and feedback of both proprietors and tenants must be meaningfully sought after and included in the redevelopment process. Currently, the government has yet to outline fully the extent of stakeholder involvement throughout the renewal process. For example, consent must be obtained from property owners are only sought after to obtain their consent for redevelopment, with little clarity over their continued involvement once a renewal agreement has been attained.</p><p>In this regard, proprietors must not only be involved throughout the process but their feedback must also be incorporated holistically. This would ensure a redevelopment plan that is responsive to the needs of its residents.</p><p>Beyond proprietors, and while acknowledging that they may not have the same rights as owners, the opinions of tenants must also be heard. At present, no formal mechanisms exist to incorporate their perspectives, effectively excluding them from all stages of decision-making. This lack of involvement fails to account for tenants facing the greatest risk of displacement, particularly if proprietors agree to redevelopment without safeguards in place to protect those renting or occupying the units in question.</p><p>Governing bodies lack diversity in views</p><p>Another pain point is the ambiguity surrounding the composition and impartiality of the state executive committees – the organisational bodies whose responsibility is to approve and monitor urban redevelopment projects. Currently, the draft act proposes only one government agency representative to be appointed at the discretion of the menter besar or chief minister, while the remaining committee members are drawn entirely by the state government.</p><p>Ensuring broad representation is pivotal as two of the three pathways to initiate urban renewal fall under these committees’ purview. As such, a lack of broader representation may limit on-the-ground insights, potentially risking community needs over the interests of private developers. This risk can be mitigated by ensuring the inclusion of municipal, district and city council representatives, as well as civil society and representatives of homeowners’ associations.</p><p>Compensation beyond monetary gain</p><p>Presently, compensation promised to proprietors is typically offered either in the form of a financial payment for relocation or a sum higher than the current market price of the unit if proprietors choose to remain. However, compensation related to housing cannot be measured purely in monetary terms.</p><p>In highly urbanised areas like Kuala Lumpur, the rising market value of land and housing makes these spatial components increasingly significant. Proprietors may be displaced from well-connected areas and resettled in peripheral localities, where daily expenses are higher and opportunities are limited. Without factoring in these realities, relevant authorities risk offering compensation that is ultimately inadequate.</p><p>This form of inequitable compensation risks pricing out former residents, making way for more affluent populations and accelerating gentrification. Left unaddressed, such displacement will entrench spatial inequalities and trap already vulnerable groups into cycles of poverty from which they may have struggled to escape from. Therefore, a potential solution should account for spatial elements which influence cost of living standards, such as proximity to business centres, access to education and healthcare, as well as public transportation access. This can present itself in the form of priority placement at redeveloped localities which have similar levels of access to key amenities.</p><p>Lessons from abroad</p><p>The core tenets of successful urban renewal initiatives are cooperation, inclusivity and social equity. As such, several lessons can be taken from countries which have successfully implemented their own urban renewal regulations.</p><p>First, urban renewal must be holistic. This entails redevelopment that not only addresses changes to physical infrastructure but also embeds the economic and social wellbeing of residents into the planning process. One such example of this is Germany which, through its Programme for Green Urban Areas (Zukunft Stadtgrün), has helped facilitate the incorporation of urban green spaces in population-dense areas via funding of interlinking green spaces to connect residential spaces. Through this, urban redevelopment is framed as an issue extending beyond the borders of a residential development to include environmental quality and access to public amenities as part and parcel of liveability standards. Germany’s approach to holistic living thus ensures that redevelopment projects not only create safer homes but also a better quality of life for all.</p><p>Second, urban renewal must be cooperative. A centralised approach to urban redevelopment without the inclusion of lower rungs of governance may jeopardise the efficacy of urban renewal efforts. Countries like South Korea have noted this blind spot and taken steps to ensure a governance format centred on multilevel stakeholder cooperation.</p><p>The involvement of citizens into planning processes is wide-ranging, spanning the ability to request administrative documents for upcoming developments, the capacity to hold public consultations and hearings with private entities. Residents can even spearhead urban rehabilitation projects of their own. More importantly, the government has recognised the need for citizen participation in all forms, thus offering them avenues to do so irrespective of institutional affiliation. This approach encourages transparency and trust in governmental procedures to be fostered, allowing for redevelopment plans to reflect the lived realities and priorities of communities.</p><p>Third, urban renewal cannot be driven solely by private sector interests. Despite the government’s intention to shift away from federal funding in exchange for costs to be borne by the private sector, government-led funding and initiatives must be included to counteract potential power imbalances. Germany excels in this regard, with their Urban Development Support Programme providing funding to municipalities to champion community-led solutions for sustainable towns and cities. This programme allows for grassroots movements to encourage social cohesion through planning, a factor potentially sidelined by private developers who fail to incorporate diverse perspectives of.</p><p>Promise of more vibrant cities</p><p>Overall, this act comes at an opportune time, as localities with large population densities require safe spaces to thrive in. However, caution must be exercised as the risks of gentrification and displacement loom large. Therefore, urban renewal presents a balancing act for the government – managing public opinion and concerns, as well as allaying the fears of the public concerning the possibility of displacement, all while communicating the realities of urban renewal. This is a necessary step in a world where cities must continuously adapt to ageing infrastructure, growing populations, and ever-changing spatial needs.</p><p>A financial windfall should not be the only benefit of this act to property owners. Equally important is the opportunity to reside in a thriving residential area, with the option for holistic and equitable compensation. Ultimately, a pro-resident act is what is needed – not to turn over a profit – but to ensure that all Malaysians, regardless of income level, have the option to live and participate in the development of safe and vibrant homes.</p><p>- Advertisement -</p> Urban Renewal Act missing key components \| ISIS	查看 9550	马来西亚战略与国际研究所	2025-08-05 13:00:43 2025-08-07 03:08:33	word
3234738	有图 <p><p><img src="https://cdn.bt.no/bt/valg2023/valg-logo-transparent.svg" rel="noopener noreferrer"><p>ValgomatPodkastKorte videoerSiste målinger</p></p>Han er blitt rik i sommar. Og Ulstein vil at alle skal vite det.<p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/author/363326a4-30a8-4a5d-8a75-f6a7f941be71?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1900&w=1900&s=a33a15b9aa532eb8e4725d57d5e4b7314501de21" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Gerd Margrete Tjeldflåt<p>Kommentator i BT</p></p><p>KrFs milliardærgåver har større verdi enn det som står på konto.</p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/055a1831-4cf3-42c5-9b84-0845bc216555?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=26869e46bc8aacc853be1898cfb6281526263015" rel="noopener noreferrer">Partileiar Dag-Inge Ulstein har gitt KrF eit meir nyrikt image. Foto: Stian Lysberg Solum / NTB<p><p>Les mer om:</p><p>Valg 2025</p><p>BT følger stortingsvalget.</p></p><p>Publisert: Publisert: <p><time>I dag 06:12</time></p><p>Pengane renn inn hos KrF.</p><p>Nærare fem millionar kroner dumpa inn på konto i løpet av juli. Først frå investor Øystein Stray Spetalen, så ein gjeng på i alt 18 næringslivsleiarar og til slutt milliardær Christen Sveaas.</p><p>Tidlegare har også Stein Erik Hagen donert éin million kroner til partiet i dette avgjerande valåret.</p><p>Pengebidrag til valkampen frå rike onklar er ikkje uvanleg i norsk politikk, men det er sjeldan kost for KrF. </p><p>Partiet har tradisjonelt vore ufatteleg lite taktiske i sin jakt på veljarar. </p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/abf30f67-567c-427a-8f98-68e862204d59?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1266&w=1900&s=2367a42eea627b6fe0b3320b5635fce064eede14" rel="noopener noreferrer">Øystein Stray Spetalen, her med kona Charlotte Spetalen, er blant KrFs nye tilhengjarar. Foto: Terje Pedersen / NTB (arkiv)<p>Dei har heller ikkje jaga rikdom. Imaget har vore den gode samaritan, ikkje den rike farisearen.</p><p>Men i sommar har partileiar Dag-Inge Ulstein meir enn gjerne flasha formuen og sine nye milliardærvenner.</p>Betaler for borgarleg regjering<p>La oss ta det heilt openberre først: </p><p><p>Les hele saken med abonnement</p>Allerede abonnent? Logg inn</p></p> KrF er blitt rike etter gaver fra milliardærer. Og vil at alle skal vite det.	查看 2212	《费尔登邮报》	2025-08-06 12:12:00 2025-08-07 02:54:52	word
3234737	有图 <p>Å klage på været: Du sprer ren gift, advarer psykolog<img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/4782c0e8-5d34-4bed-96e8-65b03881688c?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1270&w=1900&s=d8ce507b80949e07df4b1835e33b787403e03200" rel="noopener noreferrer"><p>– Nå er jeg møkk lei av klagene. På at jeg klager! Det kan vel ikke være feil å klage på været? spør leseren. Nei, mener meteorologen. – Du forgifter alle, også deg selv, svarer psykologen.</p><p>Publisert: Publisert: <p><time>I dag 06:30</time></p><p><p>Les hele saken med abonnement</p>Allerede abonnent? Logg inn</p></p> Å klage på været: Du sprer ren gift, advarer psykolog	查看 583	《费尔登邮报》	2025-08-06 12:30:06 2025-08-07 02:54:52	word
3234736	有图 <p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/f2dc167e-322b-42af-8c5f-281adb27dadc?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1266&w=1900&s=f035b0e56de8d1ecd96b5d9c99fd429ea91bc96b" rel="noopener noreferrer">Høysesong for samlivsbrudd <p>Flest samlivsbrudd skjer i august. Men et brudd varer ikke nødvendigvis evig. Mange prøver på nytt etter en tid. </p><p><p>Frode Thuen</p><p>Åge Peterson (illustrasjon)</p></p><p>Publisert: Publisert: <p><time>For mindre enn 20 minutter siden</time></p><p>(A-magasinet) Mange par går fra hverandre nå i disse dager. </p><p>Offisielle tall fra Familievernet viser at august er den absolutte høysesongen for samlivsbrudd. I 2022 var det dobbelt så mange brudd i denne måneden (totalt 1235), sammenliknet med desember, som var måneden med færrest brudd (totalt 614). </p><p>Og slik har det vært så lenge jeg har drevet med parterapi – i mer enn 25 år.</p><p><p>Les hele saken med abonnement</p>Allerede abonnent? Logg inn</p></p> Høysesong for samlivsbrudd	查看 960	《费尔登邮报》	2025-08-06 15:48:58 2025-08-07 02:54:52	word
3234735	有图 <p>To menn funnet omkommet i Jotunheimen<p>De to turgåerne som ble funnet omkommet i Jotunheimen, kan tidligst hentes ut torsdag. Været er for krevende.</p><p>Publisert: Publisert: <p><time>I dag 10:05</time></p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/7a3a1acf-1c77-4a4d-a041-638fe4bd8ba7?fit=crop&format=auto&h=917&w=1600&s=67610b77bc3291695602e2eee3f540f5cdf7a6be" rel="noopener noreferrer"><p><p>Les hele saken med abonnement</p>Allerede abonnent? Logg inn</p></p> To menn funnet omkommet i Jotunheimen	查看 486	《费尔登邮报》	2025-08-06 16:05:06 2025-08-07 02:54:52	word
3234734	有图 <p></p><p><p></p><p></p><p>Silobrann på Dale: – Hvis vi åpner opp kan vi få en støveksplosjon <p>Fire personer blir evakuert på grunn av mye røyk. </p><p><p></p>i</p><p>Victoria Torgersen Skjemstad</p><p><svg><title>bt-link</title><use></use></svg>Kopier lenke<svg><title>bt-link</title><use></use></svg>Kopier lenke</p><p>Publisert: Publisert: <p><time>I dag 10:10</time></p><p>Brannvesenet rykket onsdag formiddag ut etter å ha fått melding om varme- og røykutvikling i en støvsilo på Dale Fabrikker.</p><p>– Det er en slags støvsuger, for å si det enkelt, sier vaktkommandør Jostein Steinsland-Hauge hos 110-sentralen.</p><p></p><p>Brannvesenet er på stedet og har begynt utvendig kjøling av siloen.</p><p>Ifølge operasjonsleder Frode Kolltveit var det observert åpne flammer på stedet da nødetatene ankom stedet. </p>Kan få støveksplosjon <p>– Vi har startet utvendig kjøling fordi hvis vi åpner opp kan vi få en støveksplosjon når oksygen kommer inn, forklarte Steinsland-Hauge etter at brannvesenet var på plass like etter klokken 10. </p><p>– Det er varme og brann inne i tanken. Det er selvfølgelig alltid en fare for at det kan spre seg, men pr. nå er det ikke det, sier han.</p>Mye røyk <p>Klokken 10.31 melder politiet at brannen er slukket, men at det fremdeles er en del røyk og temperatur fremdeles.</p><p>Det skal også ha vært meldt om branntilløp på et transportbånd på stedet.</p><p></p><p>– Ukjent skadeomfang på brannen. Ikke meldt personskader, skriver operasjonsleder Kolltveit.</p><p>Klokken 10.53 er det fremdeles røyk fra fabrikken og fire personer blir evakuert fra nærmeste bolig på grunn av all røyken. </p><p>Klokken 14.34 melder politiet at det er kontroll på brannen. </p><p>De oppretter sak etter hendelsen. </p><p>Publisert: <p><time>Publisert: 6. august 2025 10:10</time></p><p><time>Oppdatert: 6. august 2025 14:35</time></p><p><noscript></noscript></p><p>BT anbefaler også disse sakene<p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/73119ec9-ca09-483f-b41a-174790905ff1?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1425&tight=true&w=1900&s=5bbe9e561fb8bd594eec3080f541ca9cf1f5626e" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Fastlegen trekker frem én gruppe: – De går oftere på jobb selv om ting er litt tøft</p><time>03. januar 2024</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/5f971f75-f019-451c-9c2a-ea60c6832f3a?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1425&tight=true&w=1900&s=8371a3cc09cbe6d666f03d1da117f93453caec05" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Trygve kan bli flau over sin kone: – Det nytter ikke å kjefte </p><time>25. juni</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/bfa069cb-615c-4c83-93b4-4026a5462c2e?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1425&tight=true&w=1900&s=90833ce3467dd55da05b3e9d7e78e62d54988fe1" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Kompisen visste at bare Petter var gal nok: – Har jo lurt på om det er noe feil med skallen min </p><time>06. juni</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/7e0b6031-3f5c-42d8-aa68-53f4e179d933?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1425&tight=true&w=1900&s=0faf0d26b69c37838ec4297f9b03109854c724cd" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Politiet rydda trafikken i rushet. Det stod om livet for Malene. </p><time>22. juni</time></p></p><p>Mest debattert<p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/37f4d799-1bc5-423f-8930-f5ddfbb6b593?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=855a0252a08bb6f64e9833f8389fb64af5bbc54d" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>– Denne rapporten stiller Støre-uttalelser i et grelt lys</p><time>04. august</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/3d4fac37-db84-492b-a055-81cb661adb76?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=3225f5897af03e6a1ae003c8a390783565887ef7" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>– Listhaugs Israel-naivitet er grenselaus</p><time>05. august</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/38d7784e-d89d-4e7e-ad3c-f117d42d5095?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=769ff2d3dd196052055387a2a0ff75c84abfe06f" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>– Jeg vil faktisk kalle det krise</p><time>05. august</time></p><p></p></p><p><p>Flere artikler<p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/43d96c7c-bd0c-4bf6-a92c-e8bfe8207109?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=93e30a11e16d5b70f0a21a9265f59ef33005e6d2" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>– Det kom plutselig et enormt smell</p><time>16. juli</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/c4c0841c-f72a-4f68-85e5-814dff779794?fit=crop&format=auto&h=532&w=798&s=75d986bf2957c2598b4364e82a683c8203717b55" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Rykket ut til Kollsnes etter melding om røyk</p><time>13. juni</time></p><p></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/2e15b0d5-0259-47d5-953f-fc1d1c3271f5?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=c40126ea63296062250b35eba6c0d17d9ff79806" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>– Vi var redd for en større eksplosjon</p><time>23. juli</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/8cf4cc59-b164-4079-a8ba-87b4d1cfc06d?fit=crop&format=auto&h=800&w=1200&s=705d97d5f73e6455134e1062c7d0faa4eeb953c8" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Austevoll: – Det er omfattende skader</p><time>01. august</time></p><p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/e44a7234-9106-4bf9-9b4e-3e6a79b15fe0?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1267&w=1900&s=faf39820c4787f211da1132c7212fa9a0044ae45" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Brann skal ha startet i kjøleskap: – Mye røyk</p><time>18. juli</time></p></p><p></p></p><p></p> Silobrann på Dale: – Hvis vi åpner opp kan vi få en støveksplosjon	查看 5596	《费尔登邮报》	2025-08-06 16:10:29 2025-08-07 02:54:52	word
3234733	有图 <p><p><img src="https://cdn.bt.no/bt/valg2023/valg-logo-transparent.svg" rel="noopener noreferrer"><p>ValgomatPodkastKorte videoerSiste målinger</p></p>Han beskylder Ap for dobbeltspill om Hordfast<p>Arbeiderpartiet er både tydelig for og tydelig mot gigantbroen mellom Os og Stord. – Folk som stemmer på oss vet hva partiets politikk er, sier listetopp Lubna Jaffery.</p><p>Publisert: Publisert: <p><time>I dag 10:47</time></p><img src="https://premium.vgc.no/v2/images/5edcc3a9-b7a4-40cc-9538-24cab27fe3b0?fit=crop&format=auto&h=1270&w=1900&s=99321446edb596306ff2fd49f96dc2c37743af63" rel="noopener noreferrer"><p><p>Les hele saken med abonnement</p>Allerede abonnent? Logg inn</p></p> Arbeiderpartiet er både for og mot Hordfast. Det får Frp-toppen til å reagere.	查看 704	《费尔登邮报》	2025-08-06 16:47:56 2025-08-07 02:54:52	word

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