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3244653	无图 <p>ROMA – Antonio Tajani guarda al faccia a faccia del 15 agosto fra Trump e Putin come a «un primo passo». Ma il ministro degli Esteri è anche convinto che non si possa raggiungere un accordo senza far sedere Zelensky al tavolo delle trattative. L’inquilino della Farnesina analizza con il Corriere i «tre i fronti di guerra che l’Italia sta affrontando con le armi della diplomazia», Kiev, Gaza e i dazi. Il vicepremier e leader di Forza Italia, che il 19 agosto sarà a Berna per parlare agli ambasciatori svizzeri nel mondo, smentisce che il governo abbia linee diverse in politica estera, ridimensiona la posizione di Crosetto contro Netanyahu e assicura che il governo Meloni sta facendo «tutto il possibile» per convincere Israele a fermare la strage degli innocenti.</p><p>Nonostante le pressioni di Francia, Gran Bretagna e Germania, Trump ha escluso Zelensky dal vertice in Alaska. L’incontro rischia di essere inutile?</p><p>«Con una dichiarazione congiunta sottoscritta dall’Italia i capi di Stato e di governo della Ue hanno concordato che la pace non può essere decisa senza l’Ucraina. Noi sosteniamo l’iniziativa di Trump, è un passo in avanti, un primo passo positivo perché si arrivi alla pace. Ben venga l’incontro Trump-Putin se serve a scongelare i rapporti. Ma per un accordo serve per forza anche Kiev. La pace non si può fare senza i diretti interessati, russi e ucraini».</p><p>Anche i leader europei sono stati esclusi dal vertice di Ferragosto. Trump taglia fuori la Ue? </p><p>«La Ue è e deve essere parte determinante delle trattative, anche perché ha inflitto sanzioni alla Russia. La guerra in Ucraina è una questione che riguarda la nostra sicurezza».</p><p>Qual è la linea rossa del governo nel pre-summit video di oggi con Trump, Zelensky e i vertici Nato?</p><p>«I primi obiettivi sono il cessate il fuoco e il sostegno alla popolazione civile ucraina, che l’esercito russo sta attaccando duramente. La Ue deve partecipare alle trattative e la pace non può essere una resa dell’Ucraina, questi i paletti fondamentali. Noi tuteliamo il rispetto del diritto internazionale e continueremo a sostenere le ragioni dell’Ucraina».</p><p>Quanto la infastidisce il controcanto di Matteo Salvini in politica estera?</p><p>«La politica estera la fanno il premier Meloni e il sottoscritto. La linea del governo è molto chiara».</p><p>Ma spesso non coincide con quella del vicepremier leghista. Salvini ha detto che von der Leyen al summit «al massimo può portare da bere». E quando gli hanno chiesto se non sia ora di fermare Netanyahu, il ministro dei Trasporti ha glissato, rispondendo che «bisogna fermare i terroristi». Lei e Meloni la pensate allo stesso modo? </p><p>«Quello che usa Salvini non è il mio linguaggio».</p><p>Lei oggi accoglierà all’aeroporto 31 bambini di Gaza bisognosi di cure, con 91 familiari. Iniziativa encomiabile. Ma cosa fa in concreto il governo per impedire che Israele, che ha già fatto 60 mila vittime, continui a massacrare i civili in fila per un pugno di farina? </p><p>«Le stesse cose che in concreto sta facendo tutto il mondo. Cioè chiedere a Netanyahu di fermarsi e ad Hamas di liberare gli ostaggi. Noi stiamo facendo tutto il possibile per far sì che Israele fermi l’attacco a Gaza. Abbiamo inflitto sanzioni ai coloni della Cisgiordania, condannato l’uccisione dei giornalisti di Al Jazeera e sottoscritto poche ore fa un appello con altri 28 Paesi alle autorità di Israele, affinché venga garantito agli operatori umanitari e alle Ong di proseguire in sicurezza il loro impegno per la distribuzione di cibo».</p><p>Il governo ha detto no all’occupazione totale di Gaza, ma per le opposizioni è una scelta tardiva. Sbagliano Schlein e Conte sui vostri «silenzi complici»?</p><p>«La nostra posizione è chiarissima, quel che accade a Gaza è inaccettabile. L’opposizione parla, noi facciamo i fatti. Insieme a Turchia, Emirati e Qatar siamo il Paese che ha accolto il maggior numero di malati da Gaza per assicurare loro le cure e non è facile, sono operazioni politiche. Nelle ultime ore abbiamo inviato altre 350 tonnellate di farina e ancora 100 ne invieremo nei prossimi giorni con l’Onu».</p><p>Però l’Italia resta contraria a sospendere l’accordo di associazione tra Ue e Israele, contraria a infliggere nuove sanzioni, contraria a riconoscere la Palestina.</p><p>«Cosa hanno prodotto la Spagna e gli altri Paesi riconoscendo la Palestina? Blinken, ex segretario di Stato americano, ha detto che non è servito a niente. Noi siamo favorevoli, ma non possiamo riconoscere uno Stato che non c’è. Prima bisogna crearlo, perché oggi la Palestina non esiste e non può essere Hamas ad avere un ruolo di guida, ma l’Autorità nazionale palestinese. Abbiamo sempre detto che per unificare due realtà diverse con visioni contrapposte serve una missione delle Nazioni Unite».</p><p>La «missione multilaterale» proposta da Macron?</p><p>«Sono lieto che la Francia si schieri a favore di quella che è da sempre la posizione italiana».</p><p>Crosetto accusa Netanyahu di aver «perso ragione e umanità» e condanna con durezza Israele. La voce del ministro della Difesa resterà isolata nel governo?</p><p>«La linea del governo è di chiara condanna. E c’è una linea sola, non più linee».</p><p>Trump intanto sta terremotando le certezze degli ultimi decenni, geopolitiche ed economiche. E crollato anche il «ponte» di Meloni tra Washington e Bruxelles?</p><p>«Che l’Italia abbia facilitato il dialogo tra Usa e Ue è un dato assodato. E i risultati dei dazi li vedremo. Io non sono così pessimista».</p><p>Si può essere ottimisti con barriere doganali del 15%?</p><p>«I dazi non sono una cosa positiva, ma bisogna vedere quali saranno gli effetti. Se i dazi imposti ad altri Paesi sono più alti, il prodotto italiano su mercato Usa diventa più competitivo. Grazie a una varietà merceologica che è seconda solo alla Cina possiamo occupare nuovi spazi e vincere la sfida. I dati dell’export sono molto incoraggianti, il primo semestre del 2025 segna +2,1% rispetto al 2024».</p><p>Non la preoccupa il rapporto tra dollaro e euro?</p><p>«Bisognerà tenerlo d’occhio. Se l’euro sarà troppo forte la Bce dovrà intervenire per impedire danni superiori ai dazi».</p> Tajani: «Cessate il fuoco subito. E per una vera trattativa devono esserci Kiev e la Ue» (Corriere della Sera) – Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale	查看 6207	意大利外交部	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 09:17:44	word
3244652	无图 <p>Sono in partenza dall’aeroporto di Eilat, nel Sud di Israele, i tre voli speciali dell’Aeronautica Militare con a bordo il gruppo di bambini palestinesi evacuati dalla Striscia di Gaza che saranno curati in Italia. Il primo velivolo arriverà questa sera all’aeroporto di Roma – Ciampino, dove ad accogliere il gruppo in rappresentanza del Governo sarà presente il Vicepresidente del Consiglio e Ministro degli Esteri, Antonio Tajani. Gli altri due aerei giungeranno, invece, a Milano Linate e a Pisa.</p><p>Si tratta della 14ma evacuazione sanitaria condotta dall’Italia dal gennaio 2024. L’operazione è anche la più importante realizzata sinora, con 31 pazienti ed i loro accompagnatori, per un totale di quasi 120 persone. I piccoli pazienti sono tutti affetti da gravi malattie congenite o da importanti ferite e amputazioni. Al loro arrivo, saranno trasferiti in diverse regioni sul territorio nazionale (Campania, Emilia Romagna, Lazio, Liguria, Lombardia, Toscana, Umbria e Veneto) per il ricovero presso varie strutture ospedaliere.</p><p>L’operazione è realizzata con il coordinamento della Presidenza del Consiglio, grazie al raccordo fra Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale, Ministero della Difesa, Ministero dell’Interno e Dipartimento della Protezione Civile, in collaborazione con l’OMS ed il Meccanismo Europeo di Protezione Civile. L’iniziativa estende all’assistenza medico-sanitaria le attività umanitarie condotte dall’Italia per la popolazione civile della Striscia, nel quadro del progetto “Food for Gaza”.</p><p>Grazie a quest’ultima evacuazione sanitaria, supererà i 180 il numero di bambini di Gaza e loro familiari (580 persone in totale) sinora accolti in Italia nell’ambito delle operazioni umanitarie portate avanti dal nostro Paese. Sommando anche le persone giunte in Italia a titolo di ricongiungimento familiare, ad oggi sono 917 i palestinesi giunti in Italia dalla Striscia di Gaza dall’inizio della guerra.</p><p>L’Italia si conferma così il quarto paese al mondo – il primo fra quelli europei – ad aver organizzato evacuazioni aeree e il trasferimento in ospedali specializzati di pazienti provenienti dalla Striscia.</p> In arrivo stasera un nuovo gruppo di bambini di Gaza che saranno curati in Italia – Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale	查看 2189	意大利外交部	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 09:17:44	word
3244651	有图 <p>80年前の東京大空襲の被害実態について、最新の研究でわかった資料を紹介する企画展が東京墨田区で開かれています。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>1945年3月10日、アメリカ軍による空襲で、東京は下町を中心に壊滅的な被害を受け、およそ10万人が犠牲となりましたが、被害の正確な実態は戦後80年となる現在も十分には解明されていません。</p><p>墨田区の「すみだ郷土文化資料館」では資料の収集や分析を続けていて、今回、新たな焼失範囲を反映した地図や被害状況を撮影した「国防写真隊」の資料など、およそ80点を紹介する企画展を開いています。</p><p>この中では、空襲で被害を受けた企業が保管していた当時の工場の地図や、消火活動について記した日誌などから、詳細な焼失範囲を新たに特定したことが紹介されています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>学芸員の石橋星志さんは「焼失範囲や延焼の広がり方など詳細な状況が分かれば、体験者の証言をより正確に理解することができる。体験者は高齢になっているが、残された資料など使えるものはすべて使って、戦争被害を明らかにする努力を今後も続けていく」と話していました。</p><p>この企画展は、9月21日まで開かれています。</p> </p> </p> </p> 東京大空襲最新研究でわかった被害実態を紹介する企画展 \| NHK \| 戦後80年	查看 772	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 07:59:15 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244650	有图 <p>プラスチックによる環境汚染を防ぐため、初めての国際条約のとりまとめを目指してスイスで行われている会議が、14日、予定された最終日を迎えますが、焦点となっているプラスチックの生産量の規制を盛り込むかどうかなどをめぐって各国の間で意見の隔たりがあり、協議は難航しています。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>この会議は、2022年の国連環境総会の決議を受けて設けられたあと、条約のとりまとめを目指して続けられていて、8月5日にスイスのジュネーブで再開した今回の会議にはおよそ180の国と地域の代表者が参加しています。</p><p>14日に予定されている最終日に向けて閣僚級の会合などが行われていますが、EU＝ヨーロッパ連合や太平洋の島しょ国などがプラスチックの生産量に規制を設ける必要性を主張する一方、サウジアラビアなどプラスチックの原料となる石油の産出国は反発しています。</p><p>さらに、アメリカのトランプ政権から初めて参加している代表団もプラスチックの生産量の規制に消極的な姿勢を示し、意見の隔たりが続いています。</p><p>9日に公開されたこれまでの議論を踏まえた条約案では、プラスチックの生産量の規制を含む論点についてさまざまな案が併記されていて、太平洋の島しょ国でつくるグループを代表して声明を発表したツバルによりますと、文言が合意できていない箇所は1000を超え、協議は難航しているということです。</p><p>13日には新しい議長案も示されましたが、プラスチックの生産量の規制に直接関わる条文がなくなっていて、規制の強化を求める国からは「受け入れられない」などと反発が相次ぎました。</p><p>会議は14日に予定された最終日を迎えますが、延長は避けられないとの見方も出ていて、各国が歩調を合わせ条約をとりまとめられるか注目されます。</p> </p> </p> <p> プラスチックごみのリサイクルフランスの企業では <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>今回の会議で焦点の1つとなっているのが、プラスチックごみのリサイクルのあり方です。</p><p>EU＝ヨーロッパ連合では、使い捨てのプラスチック製品の流通を規制するなどリサイクルを推進する政策を進めています。</p><p>こうした政策の後押しも受けながら事業を拡大する企業も現れていて、このうち建材などを製造するフランスのメーカー「ル・パべ」は、国内を中心に回収したプラスチックごみだけを製品の材料に使用しています。</p><p>使い捨てプラスチックの削減を目指した去年のパリオリンピック・パラリンピックで表彰台や一部の競技場の座席を受注したことをきっかけに事業規模が拡大し、これまでにリサイクルしたプラスチックの量は1000トンを超えているということです。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>「ル・パベ」のマリウス・アムロCEOは「パリオリンピックは、リサイクルされた製品の品質の高さと循環型経済は両立できるのだということを示す絶好の機会でした」と振り返っていました。</p><p>一方で、リサイクルで作られたプラスチック製品の価格は、処理などにかかる費用のため通常の製品と比べて高くなる傾向があると指摘されています。</p><p>アムロCEOは「業者の多くは、リサイクルするプラスチック製品の方が通常のプラスチックよりも安いときにだけ使っています。市場は持続可能な方策を求めていますが、それは通常のプラスチックが持つよさを犠牲にしないことが条件なのです」と述べ、プラスチックごみの削減を進めるためにはリサイクルされた製品の競争力を高めていく必要があるとしています。</p> </p> </p> <p> 日本の廃プラスチックの有効利用率は？ <p> <p>日本の廃プラスチックの有効利用率は、プラスチック循環利用協会によりますと、2023年の時点で89％でした。</p><p>その方法を見ると、▽焼却で発生する熱を回収して発電などに利用する「サーマルリサイクル」が60％余り、▽使用済みの製品などを新たな製品の材料として使う「マテリアルリサイクル」は20％余りなどとなっています。</p><p>この現状について、専門家からは、温室効果ガスの排出量を減らす観点などから、より環境への負荷が少ない焼却以外の分野のリサイクル方法を増やす必要があるとの指摘があがっています。</p> </p> </p> <p> いらなくなったプラスチック製品を商品に長崎の水産会社 <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>カタクチイワシ漁などを行う長崎県雲仙市の水産会社では、漁で使い古したポリエステル製の漁網を再利用した、たわしを5年前から本格的に販売しています。</p><p>このたわしは従業員がすべて手作業で作っていて、破れたりすれたりした漁網を縦横それぞれ40センチほどの大きさに切りそろえて、アイロンで形を整えたあと、手のひらほどのサイズにたたんでいました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>販売のきっかけは、コロナ禍で水産加工品などの売り上げが落ちるなか、雇用を守るために始めた苦肉の策だったということです。</p><p>しかし、丈夫で泡立ちやすく汚れを落としやすいという評判や、環境意識の高まりなどで、去年はおよそ1万5000個を売り上げるなど、生産が追いつかないほどになっているということです。</p><p>この会社では、使わなくなった漁網を以前は無償で譲ったり廃棄したりしていましたが、現在では自前の漁網では足りず、別の漁業者から使わなくなった漁網を買い取って注文に応えているということです。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>「天洋丸」の竹下千代太社長は「処分するだけだったものがお金になればいいなと思って販売し始めたのが、売れて、もう1回使ってもらうことになり、ありがたい。買ってもらった人には網の向こうにある漁師のことを思い浮かべてもらいながら、エコにつながることを意識してもらいたい」と話していました。</p> </p> </p> <p> 専門家 “循環型社会再生材使う方向性非常に強くなっている” <p> <p>プラスチックごみによる環境汚染の問題に詳しい京都高度技術研究所の酒井伸一副所長は「プラスチック素材の多くが石油をベースにした材料となっているので、これを廃棄する過程で焼却すれば、二酸化炭素を排出して温室効果につながってしまうという構造的な問題もある。循環型社会はひとつの大きな方向性、ベクトルであることは間違いないし、何よりしっかりと再生材を使っていく方向で物事を考えていきましょうという方向は非常に強くなってきている」としています。</p><p>そのうえで「再生材をしっかり使うという方向が社会に根づくためには、その共通のルールと、時間がかかる。個々の企業だけの決断ではいかないところをしっかり後押しできるよう政府の支援があってもよいのではないか」と指摘しています。</p><p>そのうえで、スイスで議論されている国際条約については「プラスチックの再利用に向けたリサイクルについては、異物の処理などに手間やコストがかかるなどの課題もあるが、近年、再生プラスチックをしっかり使っていこうと考えている事業者の方も相当増えてきていて、国際条約がどうなるか気にしている人も多いと思う。そういう人のチャレンジするマインドをくじくことにはなってほしくないと強く思う」と話していました。</p> </p> </p> </p> プラスチック環境汚染防止国際条約目指す会議生産量規制などめぐり各国に隔たり協議は難航 \| NHK \| 環境	查看 4080	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 06:24:25 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244649	有图 <p>13日のニューヨーク株式市場では、FRB＝連邦準備制度理事会が9月に利下げに踏み切るという観測が一段と強まって、買い注文が優勢となり、ダウ平均株価は前日と比べて460ドル余りの値上がりとなりました。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>アメリカのベッセント財務長官が13日、FRBが9月の会合で通常の倍にあたる0.5％の利下げに踏み切るのが望ましいという考えを示したことで、投資家の間で利下げの観測が一段と強まりました。</p><p>これを受けて、ニューヨーク株式市場では、金利の低下によって恩恵を受けやすい住宅関連などの銘柄に買い注文が出て、ダウ平均株価の終値は前日と比べて463ドル66セント高い、4万4922ドル27セントでした。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>また、ハイテク関連の銘柄が多いナスダックの株価指数と、主要な500社の株価で算出するS＆P500の株価指数がそれぞれ上昇し、ともに最高値を更新しました。</p><p>市場関係者は「FRBが早期に利下げを行って景気を下支えするという安心感が広がっている。一方、このところ株価の上昇が続いているため、過熱感から大手ITなど一部の銘柄では売り注文が優勢だった」と話しています。</p> </p> </p> </p> NYダウ 460ドル余値上がり “FRBが9月に利下げ”観測強まりナスダックとS＆P500の株価指数最高値を更新 \| NHK \| 金融	查看 762	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 06:41:19 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244648	有图 <p>アメリカとロシアの首脳会談が8月15日に行われるのを前に、欧米やウクライナの首脳などがオンラインで会合を開き、ウクライナのゼレンスキー大統領は、ウクライナ抜きに交渉が行われないよう、改めてくぎを刺しました。一方、トランプ大統領は、記者団に対し、ロシアが停戦に応じない場合「非常に深刻な結果になる」と述べ、ロシアをけん制しました。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>アメリカのトランプ大統領とロシアのプーチン大統領は8月15日、アメリカのアラスカ州で首脳会談を行う予定で、ロシアによる軍事侵攻が続くウクライナ情勢をめぐって協議します。</p><p>これを前に、13日にドイツが主催してオンラインで会合が開かれ、イギリスやフランスなどヨーロッパの6か国の首脳とウクライナのゼレンスキー大統領、トランプ大統領などが参加しました。</p><p>会合のあと、ゼレンスキー大統領は記者会見を開き「領土の一体性に関するいかなる問題もウクライナを無視して議論することはできない」と述べ、ウクライナ抜きに交渉が行われないよう改めてくぎを刺しました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>一方、トランプ大統領は、首都ワシントンで記者団に対し「1回目の会談がうまくいけば、すぐに2回目の会談を開くだろう。その際にはプーチン大統領とゼレンスキー大統領、そして私を呼びたいのであれば私も参加する形で行う」と述べ、今回の会談の結果しだいでロシアとウクライナの首脳会談または自身も含めた3者会談が開かれる可能性に言及しました。</p><p>そのうえで、今回の会談でロシアが停戦に応じない場合、どうなるのかという質問に対し、具体的な対応には触れなかったものの「非常に深刻な結果が生じるだろう」と述べ、ロシアをけん制しました。</p><p>トランプ大統領は、今回の会談を通してプーチン大統領にウクライナの民間人を標的とするのをやめるよう説得できると思うかとも問われ「これまでいい会話をしても、その後帰宅するとロケット弾が高齢者施設やアパートに命中するのを見てきた。答えはノーだと思う」と述べ、過度な期待は持たずに会談に臨む姿勢を示したとみられます。</p> </p> </p> <p> 仏大統領 “トランプ氏領土問題はウクライナ大統領のみ交渉” <p> <p>フランスのマクロン大統領は、会合のあと記者団に説明を行いました。</p><p>この中でマクロン大統領は「トランプ大統領は、ウクライナが管轄する領土の問題は、ウクライナの大統領によってのみ交渉されうると明確に表明した」と述べました。</p><p>また、マクロン大統領によりますと、トランプ大統領は、ウクライナによる領土をめぐる「譲歩」とウクライナに提供される「安全の保証」が不可分だという点も明確にしたということです。</p><p>ただ、NATO＝北大西洋条約機構が安全の保証の一部となるべきではないとして、ウクライナのNATO加盟には反対する姿勢を示したとしています。</p> </p> </p> <p> 石破首相 “ウクライナでの早期停戦平和実現へ結束すべき” <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>石破総理大臣は、欧米やウクライナの首脳などとのオンラインの会合に参加しました。</p><p>石破総理大臣は「ロシアによる侵攻に日々対じしているウクライナの人たちに改めて敬意と連帯を表す」と述べました。</p><p>その上で、ウクライナでの早期の全面停戦と公正かつ永続的な平和の実現に向けて結束して対応すべきだと訴え、こうした目標を実現するためのアメリカのトランプ大統領の取り組みを支持する考えを示しました。</p><p>そして、トランプ大統領とロシアのプーチン大統領の首脳会談が予定されていることを踏まえ、プーチン大統領に前向きな対応をとるよう求めると強調しました。</p><p>さらに「ウクライナで起きていることは東アジアでも起こり得る」と述べ、国際秩序が揺らぐことに強い危機感を示すとともに、ロシアと北朝鮮の軍事協力の進展に深刻な懸念を表明しました。</p><p>また、日本として国際社会と連携しながらウクライナへの支援を継続する方針を伝え、官民が一体となって復旧・復興に向けた取り組みを推進していく考えを示しました。</p> </p> </p> </p> ゼレンスキー大統領米ロ会談前に “ウクライナ抜きに交渉行われないよう” 欧米などとのオンライン会合で \| NHK \| ゼレンスキー大統領	查看 2220	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 06:43:42 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244647	有图 <p>「STARTO ENTERTAINMENT」のアイドルグループなどのライブ配信をかたる偽サイトが相次いでいる問題で、国内の複数の人気アーティストでも同様の偽サイトが作られていることが分かりました。セキュリティー会社の調査ではあわせておよそ30の偽サイトが確認され、いずれもクレジットカード情報をだまし取る手口とみて、注意を呼びかけています。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>STARTO社は13日、所属するグループのなりすましアカウントの問題について、海外のバングラデシュから投稿が行われ、ライブ配信をかたってクレジットカード情報を入力させる偽サイトに誘導していることを確認したと発表しました。</p><p>こうしたライブ配信をかたる手口の偽サイトをセキュリティー会社が調べたところ、ほかにも「Mrs. GREEN APPLE」など、国内の複数の人気アーティストをかたったものが確認されたということです。</p><p>偽サイトは、STARTO社に所属するグループのものも含めて少なくともおよそ30にのぼり、解析した結果、いずれも同じ偽サイトの作成キットを使って作られたとみられるということです。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>セキュリティー会社「トレンドマイクロ」の詐欺対策チーフアナリスト、本野賢一郎さんは「本当に配信が見られるのか試してみようと軽い気持ちで入力すると、カード情報が流出してほかの犯罪に巻き込まれる可能性がある」と話し、公式サイトの情報を必ず確認するように注意を呼びかけています。</p> </p> </p> </p> Mrs. GREEN APPLE(ミセスグリーンアップル)などもライブ配信かたる約30の偽サイト確認セキュリティー会社 \| NHK \| IT・ネット	查看 894	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 06:37:27 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244646	有图 <p>14日は西日本を中心に気温が上がり、熊本市などの大雨の被災地でも猛烈な暑さとなる見込みです。</p><p>片づけなどの際にはこまめに休憩をとるなど、熱中症対策を徹底してください。</p> <p> 熱中症に関する情報はNHKニュース・防災アプリで <p>離れて暮らす家族や、大切な人を守るため「NHK ニュース・防災アプリ」で、熱中症に関する情報をご確認ください</p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20250814/K10014893761_2508140406_0814060208_02_03.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p> <p>気象庁によりますと、14日は大雨の被災地をはじめ、西日本を中心に各地で晴れて気温が上がる見込みです。</p><p>日中の最高気温は</p><p>▽佐賀市、大分県日田市、福岡県久留米市、大阪市などで37度</p><p>▽熊本市、山口市、京都市などで36度</p><p>▽高知市、名古屋市などで35度と、</p><p>各地で猛烈な暑さが予想されています。</p><p>熱中症の危険性が極めて高くなるとして、熊本県をはじめ、沖縄県から愛知県にかけての24の府と県に熱中症警戒アラートが発表されています。</p><p>エアコンを適切に使用したり、水分や塩分を補給したりするなど、熱中症への対策を徹底してください。</p><p>片付けや復旧作業をする際はこまめに休憩をとるなど十分な対策を心がけ、身の回りに体調を崩している人がいないかなど声をかけ合うようにしてください。</p> </p> </p> <p> 西・東日本午後から大気不安定のおそれ引き続き十分注意 <p> <p>気温の上昇の影響などで、西日本と東日本では午後からは大気の状態が不安定になり、局地的に雨雲が発達するおそれがあります。</p><p>これまでの大雨で、地盤が緩んだり川の堤防や護岸が損傷したりしているところもあり、今後の雨で土砂災害や川の氾濫などの危険度が高まるおそれがあります。土砂災害や低い土地の浸水、川の増水にも十分注意してください。</p> </p> </p> </p> 九州～東海猛烈な暑さに熊本など大雨の被災地も片づけなどの際には熱中症対策を \| NHK \| 熱中症	查看 1115	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 06:02:07 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244645	有图 <p>13日夜、大阪・関西万博の会場にアクセスできる大阪メトロ中央線が、一時、運転を見合わせた影響で、会場の最寄り駅が閉鎖され、大勢の人が足止めされました。体調不良を訴える人が出たり、臨時に開放されたパビリオンで夜を明かす人が相次いだりするなど、混乱が続きました。</p> <p> <p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>大阪・関西万博の会場にアクセスできる唯一の地下鉄である大阪メトロ中央線は、何らかの原因で停電が起きた影響で、13日午後9時半ごろから一時、運転を見合わせました。</p><p>万博会場の最寄りの「夢洲駅」の入り口が閉鎖されたことで、会場内で足止めされた人が大勢出ました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>14日午前0時前には「夢洲駅」の構内に入れるようになり、隣の駅までは地下鉄で移動できるようになりましたが、多くの来場者が滞留しました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>消防によりますと、地下鉄の運転見合わせ以降、14日午前1時半までに、足にけがをした1人と、気分が悪くなったなどと訴えた33人が、病院に搬送されたということです。</p><p>また、帰宅できなくなった人たちが臨時に開放されたパビリオンで夜を明かすなど、混乱が続きました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>大阪府と博覧会協会は災害時と同様に水や食料などを配る対応をとりました。</p><p>大阪メトロ中央線は14日午前5時すぎから全線で運転を再開しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> 万博きょうは開場時間を1時間遅らせ午前10時に <p> <p>博覧会協会によりますと、大阪メトロ中央線の運転見合わせに伴う影響で、14日は開場時間を通常より1時間遅らせて午前10時に変更するということです。</p> </p> </p> <p> 会場で一夜を過ごした人たちは <p> <p>東京から来た家族と一緒に訪れていた、大阪で単身赴任中だという40代の父親は「大屋根リングの下で寝ました。きのうはライブカメラで混雑状況を見ながら、駅には近づかないようにしました。電車が一部区間でピストン輸送していることはわかっていましたが、その先でタクシー待ちが長くなるとわかっていたので、午前1時ぐらいには会場内に残ることを決断しました」と話していました。</p><p>そのうえで、滞在時の会場内の様子について「レストランやパビリオンが臨時にオープンしていて、水などは自由にもらえました。風があって意外と暑さは大丈夫でした」と話していました。</p><p>友人と訪れていた大阪に住む60代の女性は「午前2時すぎぐらいまで大屋根リング近くのソファーで過ごし、午前3時ぐらいにパビリオンに到着して床に座って過ごしました。夜は涼しかったということもあって我慢できました。雨が降らなくてよかったです。思ったより疲れていないと感じていますが、家に帰ったら疲れが出るかもしれません」と話していました。</p> </p> </p> <p> 大阪府吉村知事「災害時と同様の対応をとる」 <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>大阪府の吉村知事は、14日午前1時すぎに旧ツイッターのXに「大変ご迷惑をおかけしていることを心からおわび申し上げます。博覧会協会の事務総長と話をして、災害時と同様の対応をとることとし、会場内におられる方に、水や食料などの物資を配布するように致します」と投稿しました。</p> </p> </p> </p> 大阪万博会場に大勢足止め地下鉄一時見合わせで体調不良の人やパビリオンで夜明かしも 14日朝運転再開 \| NHK \| 大阪・関西万博	查看 2284	日本广播协会	2025-08-14 06:48:46 2025-08-14 08:06:11	word
3244644	有图 <p>Three people of Nepali origin died in a shooting in Texas in what police believe was a murder-suicide. The incident took place in Dallas, where three members of the same family were killed.</p><p>Dallas police said in a statement that the shooting occurred at 2:10am local time on Saturday in the 1900 block of Dudley Street. According to police, 53-year-old Lalit Pradhan shot and killed his 37-year-old wife, Ranjana Shrestha, and their three-year-old son, Pranish Pradhan.</p><p>Police said Pradhan then turned the gun on himself, using the same pistol. Ranjana and Pranish died at the scene, while Pradhan was taken to the hospital and later pronounced dead.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>“Authorities said two victims were pronounced dead at the scene. Pradhan was found with an apparent gunshot wound and several lacerations,” cbsnews.com quoted local police as saying. “He was transported to a hospital, where he later died.”</p><p>According to police, Pradhan had been on medication for depression for a long time. A day before the incident, he posted on his Facebook wall that he had been under prolonged stress, was unable to attend work, and that he and his family had been unable to access government services, forcing them to work hard to survive.</p><p>“My family has not been able to access government services, which has forced us to work hard,” he wrote in his Facebook post.</p><p>Bijay Bhusal, general secretary of the Nepalese Society of Texas, said preliminary information indicated Pradhan was a Bhutanese refugee [of Nepali origin] and Shrestha a Nepali national. “We are in regular contact with the police for updates and are coordinating with family members in Nepal,” Bhusal said, adding that the organisation was also trying to help connect relatives institutionally and arrange for the bodies to be sent to Nepal.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Police said preliminary investigation suggested it was a murder-suicide. The organisation said its role was limited to helping coordinate with relatives in Nepal.</p><p>Two months earlier, on June 5, four members of another Nepali family were found dead in Manassas, Virginia, also in what police described as a murder-suicide. Manassas police have not yet released conclusive findings about that case. Police said investigations are ongoing and evidence collection is underway.</p> Three people of Nepali origin, including child, killed in Texas murder-suicide	查看 2823	加德满都邮报	2025-08-11 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244643	有图 <p>Twelve years after first making history at London’s Wembley Arena, Nepali folk-rock band Nepathya returned to the iconic venue on Saturday night—and delivered an even bigger spectacle. Playing to a sold-out crowd of around 10,000, the band transformed the concert into a joyous celebration of Nepali music and culture.</p><p>From the moment the doors opened, the atmosphere was electric. Videos shared by fans, including London-based Manjari Dawadi- Angel Manjari on Facebook, captured the festive mood outside the arena as thousands queued in anticipation. Inside, the energy reached a peak when the pre-show visuals featured scenes from Nepal set to the band’s song Sa Karnali, bringing some in the audience to tears. For many in the diaspora, it was a poignant reminder of home.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Nepathya rewrites history at sold-out Wembley Arena show	查看 1045	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244642	有图 <p>Photographer Chan Chao began his career when photography was more segmented, with individuals concentrating on areas such as journalism, fashion, or fine art. Over time, these divisions have become less distinct, especially as online platforms have enhanced connectivity. When Chao started, black-and-white photography was dominant, but later, it transitioned to colour. Cameras also evolved from large, heavy devices to compact, portable ones.</p><p>Chao’s photography has a very formal style. He typically shoots from above the thigh, allowing clear visibility of the face and an understanding of the gestures and body language. His photos effectively capture people"s gestures, emotions, and various emotional nuances.</p><p>In addition to his work as a photographer, he is also a lecturer in the Studio Arts programme at George Washington University. He has published three photography books, ‘Burma: Something Went Wrong’ (2000), ‘Letterform PLF’ (2001), and ‘Echo’ (2004). His work has been exhibited at the 2002 Whitney Biennial and in galleries and museums across the United States, with pieces held in the permanent collections of institutions such as the Hirshhorn Museum, the Corcoran Gallery of Art, the Whitney Museum of American Art, SFMOMA, and LACMA.</p><p>This is his first time in Nepal. The <i>Post</i>’s Sanskriti Pokharel sat down with Chao to discuss his early life, interest in photography, and projects, including the one in Nepal. </p><p>You were born in Kalemyo, Burma (present-day Myanmar) and moved to the US in 1978. How has your early experience of migration shaped your worldview?</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Yes, I moved to the US when I was twelve. Migration has always been part of my family’s story. My father moved from China to Burma during the Depression, and years later, my family migrated from Burma to the US. These experiences and my travels and projects abroad have made me realise how well-connected the world is.</p><p>One of my first major projects in 1996 was photographing Burmese freedom fighters. I went to Burma then, partly to explore my identity. Even at the border, I didn’t feel far from my family in the US because we could communicate online. The freedom fighters, too, were in touch with people worldwide. That experience showed me the power of modern travel, communication, and trade, and how these forces bring people closer together.</p><p>What draws you towards photography?</p><p>I’ve always loved meeting and talking to people, and photography felt like the perfect way to do that. A camera isn’t just a tool for me, it’s a bridge that helps people open up and share their emotions. It breaks the ice, sparks conversations, and allows me to connect with others on a deeper level, while also giving me a way to express my creativity. That is why I like photography.</p><p>My professional journey began after college, when I started working for the student newspaper and freelancing with friends. One day, I was sent to an old-age home for an assignment. At first, I didn’t know how to approach or talk to the residents. But once I started taking photographs, something shifted. The camera became our common language, and people began opening up to me.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>That experience made me realise that photography wasn’t just a profession; it was a powerful way to connect, communicate, and express my feelings.</p><p>Why did you choose to explore the stories of UN peacekeepers in Cyprus alongside those of female prisoners in Peru?In my book ‘Two Places on Earth’, I brought together two very different worlds: the lives of multinational soldiers guarding a 111-mile buffer zone in Cyprus, and women from around the world serving sentences in Peru’s Santa Monica Women’s Prison.</p><p>Cyprus is a small country divided between Greek and Turkish communities after a conflict in the early 70s. All the Greeks moved south, the Turkish population moved north, and a neutral zone was created in between, monitored by UN peacekeepers. When I visited, there were about fifteen to eighteen nationalities stationed there, all working together to keep the peace. For me, it was another example of how interconnected the world is.</p><p>In Peru, I spent time at the women’s prison, where many of the inmates were foreigners caught smuggling cocaine. Again, I was struck by how a single place could bring together people from so many parts of the world, their lives shaped by both personal choices and larger global forces.</p><p>At first, I thought these two projects, Cyprus and Peru, would remain separate. But over time, I realised they spoke to the same idea: that even in vastly different circumstances, our humanity connects us. So I placed them side by side, forcing the two narratives together to highlight those connections.</p><p>You teach at GW’s Studio Arts programme. What do you try to instil in young photographers just beginning to explore the medium?</p><p>I always tell my students that the visual medium, photography, painting, or graphic design, can be incredibly powerful. A single image can say so much. Subtle details like eye contact, skin tone, a smile, or a hint of sadness can communicate emotions and stories without a single word.</p><p>While I do teach the technical side of photography, that’s not my main focus. What matters most to me is helping students understand how to convey a message through their work. Many young people start with a limited idea of what expression can be. I try to open their minds to how people communicate visually and encourage them to think beyond the obvious. My goal is to help them see photography as a technical skill and a language.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>In today’s world of instant image-making, how do you compare the experience of viewing photographs on social media to seeing them as physical prints?I don’t think whether an image is made with an analogue camera or a digital one matters. It’s more about the picture. On social media, digital photos are often consumed in seconds. You look at them, swipe, and move on. But there are ways to slow that process down.</p><p>When you make a physical print and put it in front of someone, they spend more time with it. That changes the experience. There’s a real difference between how we see photos on a screen and how we see them off social media. Prints invite you to pause, look closely, and connect with the image in a way scrolling never can.</p><p>Have you thought about doing any projects here in Nepal? Or are you involved in any projects? Yes, I’m working on a project in Nepal called Global Workforce. People often say the world is a small village and everything is interconnected, but I’m interested in exploring that idea differently.</p><p>Through this project, I want to show global interconnectedness by telling the stories of migrant workers worldwide. Issues like labour, religion, and immigration connect people across borders, and interest in these topics is growing. People everywhere are moving for work, even from a small country like Nepal, so many leave to earn a living abroad. I found that fascinating, so I started the project here.</p><p>After Nepal, my next stop will be the Philippines. I will continue to trace these connections through workers’ lives in different countries.</p> Photos speak a language beyond technique	查看 8011	加德满都邮报	2025-08-11 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244641	有图 <p>Every year, on the day after Gai Jatra, the Newa community celebrates the Mataya Jatra. In Thecho, Godavari Municipality–12, however, the celebration is particularly special. </p><p>Along with the chariot procession, the festival also included a replica of the <i>Bhel Kwa</i>—a clay pot filled with black <i>chhyang </i>(an alcoholic beverage) regarded as a symbol of Bhairav—in the parade.</p><p>Local resident Ratna Bahadur Mali said, “Interest among the younger generation in cultural heritage is declining. This presentation was meant to be a satire of that trend.” He added that the event was made possible with everyone’s support and cooperation.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>The first group in the procession featured the Lakhe dance. Two women at the front followed them, holding a banner that read “Welcome to Thecho Mataya Jatra.” Behind them, with cloth headbands, were Saraswati Dhime Khalah manager Jitmell Maharjan, Mayor Gajendra Maharjan of Godavari Municipality, and others, welcoming the crowd as they moved forward.</p><p>After that came a line of women dressed in <i>haku patasi</i> (traditional Newa dress) and <i>guniyo cholo</i> (traditional dress), adorned with garlands around their necks, silver chains, and <i>pauju</i> anklets. Another group followed, performing the <i>Baukhi Daygu</i>, a ritual to ward off evil spirits from entering Thecho settlement. Raj Maharjan of the local Kutujol Basuri Baja Khalah said they presented the ritual through a play to help the younger generation understand the significance of this tradition.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Thecho’s Newa community celebrates Mataya Jatra with tradition and satire	查看 2058	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244640	有图 <p>Have you ever wondered why sticking to a well-being practice is harder than expected?</p><p>Often, it’s because we begin with great enthusiasm, only to let the habit fade when life gets busy or challenging. At first, the motivation feels strong and the benefits are obvious, but as days pass, other priorities take over. We know these practices are good for us, yet they often get pushed aside, not because they’ve lost their value, but because we forget to make space for them.</p><p>If this resonates with you, and if you are in this exact phase where you need that extra little push, let this be your reminder: your emotional well-being deserves the same commitment you give to your physical health, work, or relationships. Embarking on an emotional well-being journey is never smooth. The basic science of forming any habit is clear: It takes time and consistent effort.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>However, well-being practices present layered challenges beyond forming ordinary habits. Emotional well-being practices often bring us face-to-face with our inner world, that is, our thoughts, beliefs, and unprocessed feelings. This can feel uncomfortable and even confronting.</p><p>It takes courage to begin, but maintaining that consistency requires something deeper: the willingness to face yourself repeatedly, even on the days you would rather avoid it. Often, the biggest resistance comes from within. Our inner critic may dismiss our efforts as “pointless” or “too much work.” Old, suppressed beliefs may whisper that you are not “doing it right” or “don’t have time.” Over time, this affects our self-esteem and creates the illusion that it is easier to stop altogether.</p><p>But here is the truth. Emotional well-being practices are just as vital as physical health habits. If you can adapt to going to the gym or following a healthy diet because you know it is good for your body, you can adjust to emotional well-being routines because they are essential for your mind and heart. The process is the same. What is needed is a shift in perspective.</p><p>To simplify things, here are some of my favourite emotional well-being practices anyone can try. Remember that these practices are not about “fixing” yourself. They are about creating safe, nurturing moments for your emotions to be felt, processed, and supported.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Start with warmth: Drink warm water in the morning before caffeine. This simple act signals to your body and mind: I care for you.</p><p>Emotion check-in: Write a few lines about how you feel and how you want your day to unfold. Naming emotions helps regulate them.</p><p>Self-soothing touch: A gentle oil massage before your shower can be grounding and help release stored tension in the body.</p><p>Connection with nature: Step outside, soak in the morning sun, walk barefoot on grass, notice rainbow colours in flowers and plants around you, and if you are lucky, you might see other beautiful living creatures that share our earth. This nurtures feelings of belongingness.</p><p>Gentle movements: If a workout feels overwhelming, try gentle free-flow body shakes, allowing the body to move freely and incorporating soft joint-focused movements.</p><p>The best times to nurture these small habits are in the morning and evening. Mornings set the tone for the day, boosting emotional resilience before challenges appear, while evenings offer a chance to release tension and process the day’s experiences before rest.</p><p>To build consistency in emotional well-being, these two words can be your mantra: “conscious effort.” Unlike automatic tasks, emotional well-being requires intention, the choice to show up for yourself even when your mind says “not today.”</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>The 2-Minute Rule can be a game-changer for falling in love with these practices. Commit to just two minutes a day. The aim is not perfection, but presence. Even brief moments, like writing a single sentence in a journal or taking three mindful breaths, signal to your mind that you matter. This is about getting to know yourself better and discovering what works for you and what does not. Do not be disheartened if a practice does not feel right after weeks of trying. That is simply feedback that this particular habit is not for you. You can always try another. Over time, you will have a handful of well-being practices you want to carry on. Let this be exploration, not obligation.</p><p>Another is The 2-Day Rule. Promise to show up for at least two days before taking a break. Often, once you start, you will want to keep going. This soft structure helps prevent long gaps while permitting you to rest if needed.</p><p>Emotional well-being isn’t about removing challenges but building a strong inner foundation to face life with stability and grace. When practised consistently, small rituals become emotional anchors by reminding you of your worth, helping you pause before reacting, and allowing your nervous system to feel safe to process and release emotions.</p><p>Yes, showing up for yourself may be tough, but it is never impossible. Every time you make that conscious effort, even for a few minutes, remember that you are building foundational blocks for a more emotionally aware, resilient, and joyful life. Consistency is not about doing it perfectly every day. It is about returning to yourself again and again.</p> Why your self-care habits fade, and how to keep them alive	查看 6096	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244639	有图 <p>SmarterEveryDay</p><p>Destin Sandlin explains the microscopic mechanics behind everyday things on the channel, which covers physics, biology, chemistry, and space.</p><p>Cleo Abram</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Cleo Abram’s ‘Huge If True’ series highlights optimistic science and technology stories. Her channel showcases innovation’s potential to create a better future.</p><p>The Doers Nepal</p><p>This homegrown Nepali channel celebrates ordinary people doing extraordinary things. The Doers Nepal shares stories of courage and challenges.</p><p>Wendover Productions</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>I love maps and the stories associated with them. Sam Denby explains how our world works through travel, economics, geography, and marketing.</p><p>This World Official</p><p>Focusing on natural and cultural heritage, This World Official produces inspiring films and raises awareness about conservation and diverse cultures.</p> What I watch online: Niroj Sedhai	查看 1396	加德满都邮报	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244638	无图 <p>The Private and Boarding Schools’ Organisation, Nepal and the Higher Institutions and Secondary Schools’ Association Nepal, among other umbrella bodies of private educational institutions, issued a statement on Sunday, demanding revisions to some provisions in the School Education Bill currently under consideration in the Education, Health and Information Technology Committee of the House of Representatives. They have given an ultimatum of Wednesday, warning of protests if their demands are not met. They want removal of provisions related to turning private educational institutions into non-profits and redefining the scope of scholarships in these institutions. </p><p>The drafting process of the education bill was mired in controversy after the private institutions lobbied and consequently prevailed in changing provisions unfavourable to them. The government’s initial proposal was to convert private schools into trusts; however, after lobbying by private school operators with top-rung leaders of major political parties, it was agreed that existing schools would stay as companies and new schools could also be registered as the same. In addition, some lawmakers had demanded that private schools’ scholarships should include costs other than tuition fees. But Nepali Congress chief whip Shyam Kumar Ghimire and Education Minister Raghuraj Pant supported private schools, and there could be no agreement. As such, the government’s seeming desire to draft legislation in keeping with national interest has fizzled out.</p><p>The recommendations and suggestions of stakeholders are crucial to the lawmaking process. However, it is wrong to give any stakeholder, especially private interest groups, the power to dictate the process. Private schools might have their concerns and they must be able to raise those concerns with relevant authorities, including the legislature. But this kind of lobbying must also happen in good faith and with the country’s larger interest in mind. Also, if the operators of private schools have a strong case, they can make it a subject of public deliberations and debates. </p><p>According to Article 31(2) of the Constitution, the state is responsible for compulsory basic and free secondary education for all. Private schools already charge high tuition fees even for primary-level education. The scholarship opportunities they offer are veiled under conditions that still saddle students with a ‘full scholarship’ with hidden costs, including transport and accommodation costs. The implications of expensive education are far-reaching. The government’s idea of converting private schools to trusts (after a reasonable period of time) and making private schools cover the entire cost of education when they offer scholarships was a worthy one. </p><p>At the same time, while it is easy to blame the private schools, it is difficult to say whether responsible government agencies tried to take private education providers into confidence while drafting the education bill. Perhaps they didn’t—which also explains the strong reaction of private schools. The representatives of the sector directly impacted by a new piece of legislation must be consulted. We believe a middle-way approach that is acceptable to both sides can still be worked out. For instance, private schools can be given a decent amount of time before they have to convert into trusts. But no one should try to impose their agenda on the other. That is not the democratic way of doing things.</p> Bungled bill	查看 3512	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244637	有图 <p>It has been eight years and two general elections since Nepal took its first step as a federal republic. Over these years, public debates on federalism have largely revolved around provincial boundaries, ethnic lines, distribution of powers and the performance of provincial governments. Far less attention has been paid to a set of offices that exist in every province, consume public resources and yet contribute almost nothing to provinces’ governance—the provincial governors.</p><p>Each of Nepal’s seven provinces has a figurehead, appointed by the federal cabinet and described as the ‘constitutional head’ of the province. Their functions are largely ceremonial—like summoning the provincial assembly, swearing the provincial ministers in and assenting to bills. They are performed mechanically—almost always on the advice and consent of the provincial cabinet—without much political judgement. The governors do not govern, just as they don’t legislate or adjudicate. Unlike almost every other political functionary, they are not elected by the people of the province, nor by their representatives. Their appointments and removals depend entirely on the Prime Minister.</p><p>Maintaining these seven ceremonial posts is far from cheap. Each post comes with an official residence, a dedicated secretariat, vehicles, security personnel, protocol expenses and staff, costing over Rs 30 million every year for every province. As if those luxuries were not enough, they also have their infamous ‘Bhaisepati palaces’ as residence-cum-contact offices in Kathmandu. For a country where health posts lack lifesaving drugs and infrastructure projects stall due to budget deficit, such extravagance is difficult to justify.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>The common defence of the institution of the governor is that it ‘symbolises federalism’—that every province must have a visible figurehead to embody its identity within the federation. But if symbolism is the goal, we must ask, at what cost, and with what actual value to governance (and to the citizens)? A symbol that consumes public resources without delivering substantive benefits is not a strength; it is a liability. It is perhaps a small mercy that the constitution-drafters did not see fit to add a ‘Vice Governor’—another expensive ornament for the federal mantle—to complete the buttress of symbolism.</p><p>There is an alternative, one that would not weaken provincial autonomy in any meaningful sense. The Constitution could be amended to make the President of Nepal the figurehead of each province, performing the same ceremonial-cum-constitutional functions now carried out by the governors. For the day-to-day affairs of the provinces—like giving assent to the bills or appointing Ministers—the President would act on the advice and consent of the respective provincial cabinets, just as the Governors do today. For functions that demand control of the federal government, like the dissolution of a provincial government. The President would act on the advice and consent of the federal government, just as they would do today under Article 232(3) of the Constitution.</p><p>This change would preserve every real element of provincial self-government. The Chief Minister and their cabinet would retain full executive authority. The provincial assembly would remain the legislative body. The provincial high courts—already established as part of the national judiciary—would remain untouched. Only the ceremonial headship, currently vested in seven separate appointees, would be unified under the office of the President.</p><p>Would this ‘centralise’ power in Kathmandu and undo the supposedly coveted and hard-earned federalism? No. Because in both theory and practice, provincial governors are already quite centralised legal persons. They are appointed from Kathmandu and serve entirely at the pleasure of the President, who acts on the advice and consent of the federal cabinet. The President, by contrast, serves a fixed term and can only be removed by impeachment. In situations of political uncertainty, for example, determining who should be invited to form a government when no party has a majority, this independence could make the process less vulnerable to interventions from Baluwatar. Moreover, the President is elected from an electoral college composed of elected representatives from all provinces—unlike the governors who are appointed (and sacked) by the Prime Minister—a process that strengthens the spirit of federalism rather than undermines it.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>With only seven provinces, the President’s office would easily manage these ceremonial duties with the support of an expanded provincial affairs secretariat. Unlike India—which has 36 federal units—Nepal’s 7-province federal structure is compact and manageable. Modern communication rarely necessitates physical presence of the President in every province. The President could still visit every province twice a year to address the ceremonial opening of the assemblies, just like the governors do today—a symbolic gesture that would reassure provinces that Kathmandu is not distant or invisible. The text of the address would remain of a kind that is drafted and approved by the relevant provincial cabinet. </p><p>Nepal would not be an outlier in making such a change. Ethiopia has no separate appointed ‘governor’ for each <i>kililoch</i>. The President in Addis Ababa is the ceremonial head of the federation and state governments function without a centrally appointed ceremonial counterpart. A German <i>bundesländer</i> headed by its Chief Minister (<i>Ministerpräsident</i>) does not have a ‘governor’, either. Even smaller unions like Comoros function without centrally appointed provincial figureheads for their islands. These examples show that a federal system can survive and thrive without duplicative provincial ceremonial heads.</p><p>The main obstacle to making this change is not logistical or constitutional—it will be a political one. Offices, once created, develop their own constituencies. They provide positions for allies, career perks for staff and ceremonial occasions for political theatrics. Even when their practical necessity is questionable, they persist because abolishing them inconveniences the people who benefit from their existence.</p><p>Yet, genuine governance reform requires the courage to distinguish between what is necessary and what is ornamental. Nepal’s commitment to federalism is not measured by the number of ceremonial offices it maintains, but by the extent to which provincial governments can actually deliver services, respond to local needs, and make decisions without undue interference. Removing the governors would not diminish these capacities. If anything, the financial savings could enhance them.</p><p>Amending the Constitution to abolish the Governors would require a two-thirds majority in the federal parliament, and depending on the interpretation of Article 274, possibly the consent of the provinces. It would also require technical adjustments to Part 13, 14, and 15 of the Constitution in replacing the term ‘Governor’ with ‘President’. This is a perfectly manageable legal exercise. The real challenge will be building political consensus and public awareness of the issue. And given the recent discussions on amalgamating the offices of the Vice President and the National Assembly Chair, such a political move no longer seems far-fetched.</p><p>Nepal’s young federalism is still finding its shape. We have an opportunity to refine it—to make it leaner, more efficient and more credible in the eyes of citizens. Seven ceremonial posts costing hundreds of millions each year are not a luxury our country can afford. The presidency is perfectly capable of fulfilling these duties for all provinces. This would not just be symbolic—it would save at least 200 million annually that could go into funding other development agendas of the provinces. Wouldn’t that be the essence of federalism anyway?</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Ceremonial bloat of provincial governors	查看 8761	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244636	有图 <p>August is a month of bittersweet memories across much of South Asia. In Pakistan, it is a time of remembrance and rejoicing, tempered by the pangs of a nation’s birth. In India, it’s a season to mark both liberation and loss. Across Bangladesh, it’s a time to reflect on the coup d"etat of 1975 and a revolution gone wrong.</p><p>On 16 August 1946, the All-India Muslim League had called for a ‘Direct Action’ to demand a separate homeland for Muslims after the British exit from India. Within a year, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah took over as the first governor-general of what he called the ‘mutilated, truncated, moth-eaten Pakistan’ on 14 August 1947. He remained in office until his death a year later.</p><p>For the younger twin that celebrates its independence on 15 August 1947, the day is remembered with a mix of exhaustion from Partition’s upheaval, the thrill of independence, the hope of nationhood, the grief of almost three million lives lost and untold number of families torn apart with at least 14 million people becoming a part of the largest population transfer in history.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Mahatma Gandhi was not in Delhi to hear the ‘A Tryst with Destiny’ speech of Jawaharlal Nehru or witness the unfurling of the flag of the new nation. He was trying to build trust between angry Hindus and petrified Muslims with the help of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy in Calcutta.</p><p>Mahatma Gandhi’s spirit had died with the division of the country of his dreams. The Hindutva fanatic who assassinated him probably released his body and mind from the excruciating pain of experiencing communal hatred between what has been termed as ‘two eyes of a fair maiden’ called Hindustan.</p><p>The<i>Bangabandhu</i>Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was indeed an awful administrator, had an authoritarian streak and was facing the brunt of severe famine when the founder of Bangladesh was assassinated with most of his family members on 15 August 1975. By toppling his statue on August 5, 2024, the young protesters behind the Monsoon Revolution have tried to erase history. It remains to be seen if they manage to do something worthy of remaining in public memory.</p><p>Among the three countries created after the departure of the British from South Asia, Allah, Army and America have dictated the political economy of Pakistan. In over half a century of independence, Bangladesh has followed the Pakistani template of governance, where it is either the military or politicos with tyrannical bands that rule the country.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Only ‘India, that is Bharat’ has remained—howsoever flawed—a functioning democracy. A brief interlude of dictatorial regime during the Emergency (25 June 1975 – 21 March 1977) began with a whimper but ended with a bang by unseating a demagogue depicted as ‘a goddess astride a tiger’.</p><p>Brahminical hauteur</p><p>When John Kenneth Galbraith was the U.S. Ambassador to India in the early 1960s, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru reportedly told him, “Galbraith, I’m the last English ruler of India.” Educated at Harrow and Cambridge and with accent, taste and manners to match, Nehru indeed was a quintessential English gentleman. But he was much more than his self-description.</p><p>A glimpse into Nehru’s mind through three of his books—especially <i>Glimpses of World History</i>, <i>An Autobiography</i> and <i>The Discovery of India</i>—shows that he adored Mauryan greatness, admired the prowess of the Guptas and loved the grandeur of the Mughals. But behind all the veneer of sophisticated acculturalisation and great learning, he was an archetypal Brahmin—and a Kashmiri Pandit at that—with high-caste superciliousness manifesting itself as an insufferable arrogance, a condescending demeanour and an unyielding urge to sermonise others.</p><p>Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs during its formative phase (1951-1964), Nehru laid the foundation of independent India’s internal and external policies. Unlike the failures of Muslim League in Pakistan and fall of Awami League in Bangladesh, the Indian National Congress has managed to keep the unity of India, maintain its integrity through a combination of procedural democracy, nominal secularism and idealistic progressivism.</p><p>On the foreign policy front, India punched much above its strategic weight throughout the Cold War as Pakistan joined the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) in 1955, the Soviets got involved in the Korean War, China covertly supported communist insurgencies in Southeast Asia and the USA maintained a significant presence in Nepal. The so-called ‘strategic autonomy’ allowed New Delhi to accept the US assistance during the 1962 Sino-Indian War and enlist the support of the USSR in its showdown with the Nixon administration during the Indo-Pakistan war in 1971 for the independence of Bangladesh. Until the dawn of the 21st Century, India was quite content being a middling power on the world stage.</p><p>Midway through Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’stwo terms(2004—2014) in office, the U.S.-India Agreement for Cooperation Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy (123 Agreement) was signed. All of a sudden, hubristic babus in the South Block—headquarters of New Delhi’s diplomatic establishment—began to think that Washington would do for them what it had done for Beijing after the 1970s, with an infusion of massive investment and transfer of cutting-edge technology.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>By lumping Afghanistan and Pakistan together as ‘one challenge in one region’ with his ‘AfPak’ strategy,and inviting India to ‘engage East’ as a partner of the USA for global security,President Barack Obama raised the expectations of the New Delhi elite. The change was slow, but it began with the emergence of what <i>Time</i> magazine called ‘India’s Divider in Chief’ as its strongman.</p><p>Precarious pride</p><p>The first term of Prime Minister Narendra Modi began on a promising note by inviting leaders of member countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) to his swearing-in ceremony and with his Neighbourhood Firstrhetoric. A decade later, SAARC is dormant and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) has failed to take off. It seems New Delhi is wary of multilateralism in a region that it wants to dominate as its preeminent power.</p><p>Engaged in physical skirmishes with China, military confrontations with Pakistan, verbal disputes with Bangladesh, tense accommodations with Sri Lanka and a chilly rapprochement with the Maldives, India straddles the region like a lonely giant—its stature growing with an increase in population even as it risks leaving much of South Asia behind. Brahminical haughtiness prevents the South Block from introspection, but fault can’t be laid at others’ door all the time.</p><p>Despite its presence at ‘minilateral’—defined as groupings bigger than trilateral but smaller than multilateral—forums, New Delhi has failed to acquire the role it desperately seeks in global affairs. It is not easy to maintain a delicate balance between two evolving camps of Cold War II—Ashley J. Tellis of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has called it ‘India’s Great-Power Delusions’.</p><p>Nepal shares more than its open border with India—its history, culture and economy are deeply intertwined—but lack of trust has characterised bilateral relationships. Living with a self-deluded behemoth requires immense patience and quiet diplomacy despite occasional exasperation. When Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri comes to Kathmandu on August 17, Nepali politicos will do well to let the professionals of Singhadurbar handle the guests.</p><p>Independence Day greetings Pakistan and India; and Good Luck Bangladesh.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Living with a self-deluded giant	查看 8785	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244635	无图 <p>Among vector-borne diseases, Japanese Encephalitis (JE) is the leading cause of death in Nepal. Last year, 23 people succumbed to it, including one in the national capital, and over 80 infections were reported. This year, there was a sharp spike in infections in some 10 days as the number of cases rose from 13 to 33 across 18 districts, resulting in three deaths. With a fatality rate of over nine percent among infected people, the disease, which killed nearly 2,000 people in the country in 2005, has consistently caused suffering. Consequently, in 2006, Nepal started administering vaccine doses, eight years before the World Health Organisation had officially certified the vaccine, due to high rates of infections and deaths. </p><p>Complications from JE infection can cause permanent injuries to the brain and nervous system. The disease has no cure. However, safe and effective vaccines have been developed to prevent infection. The government integrated the JE vaccine into routine immunisation in 2015. Even then, people still die, and dozens get infected by the potentially deadly virus every year. The disease has a higher mortality rate in people over 15 years—the age group that did not get the vaccine during routine immunisation. Health ministry’s data show that unvaccinated individuals make up most of those infected and dead. </p><p>As the JE virus is transmitted to humans through the bite of infected Culex mosquitoes, doctors advise avoiding mosquito bites and getting vaccinated for people living in or travelling to disease-endemic areas. Yet that is not enough. Experts say it is high time to vaccinate all those at risk. While the vaccine does not help in outbreak management, it does offer immunity against future infections. Officials at the Department of Health Services (DoHS) claim there are enough people and resources for a vaccination drive, but little or no funding for vaccine procurement. The department has reportedly tried to secure funds from government and development partners alike. However, such efforts have thus far yielded no results. </p><p>The case for vaccinating the estimated 12.5 million people at high risk of JE in Nepal is still not a priority. Avoiding mosquito bites is just a small part of managing the disease. To drastically decrease the risk of JE, a vaccination drive must be initiated at the earliest. Lack of funds cannot be justified for such an emergency health measure. In any case, the Health Ministry barely spent 60 percent of its budget in the last fiscal year. The unutilized funds, for instance, could have been spent on the procurement of the vaccine. The issue of controlling the spread of the number one killer among vector-borne diseases in Nepal deserves serious and urgent attention. </p><p>The DoHS also needs to give continuity to its efforts to secure funds from development partners. Its previous failure to convince the partners, including the WHO, to support a JE vaccination drive should not hold it back from continuing to seek such assistance. But why do we have to rely on external sources even to save the lives of our own people? There is not a moment to lose. If there is a repeat of the kind of outbreak we saw back in 2005, it will not be because of lack of funds. It will be because of the Nepali state’s dereliction of duty to look after the health and wellbeing of its citizens.</p> Vaccine void	查看 3384	加德满都邮报	2025-08-12 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244634	有图 <p>The Election Commission has given recognition to Ranjita Shrestha as the chair of the Nagarik Unmukti Party (NUP), dismissing the Resham Chaudhary-led rival faction’s attempt to select federal lawmaker Lalbir Chaudhary as the party chief in her place.</p><p>The intra-party dispute turned into a legal battle after the national gathering organised by the faction led by party patron Resham, announced Ranjita’s removal and Lalbir’s appointment on July 30. The decision was later submitted to the commission for official recognition.</p><p>However, commission spokesperson Nita Pokhrel Aryal said the decision to elect the new chair contravened the Political Parties Act and the party’s own statute. “Ranjita Shrestha remains the chair in accordance with the Act and the statute,” she said on Wednesday.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>The rift between the two sides has been escalating for months. Resham’s supporters had previously expelled Ranjita from the party, accusing her of misconduct, including alleged involvement in a controversial land deal in Pokhara’s Batulechaur. In response, Ranjita contested the action at the Election Commission, arguing it was politically motivated and procedurally flawed.</p><p>While the poll body’s ruling has reaffirmed her leadership, tensions remain high. The July 30 gathering removed her not only from the chairmanship but also from ordinary membership—moves she has refused to accept.</p><p>The power struggle, rooted in a bitter fallout between Resham and his wife Ranjita, has fractured the party once hailed as a major political voice of the Tharu movement. </p><p>For now, the Election Commission’s ruling ensures that Ranjita retains formal control of the party, but the deep divisions suggest the feud is far from over.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Election Commission recognises Ranjita Shrestha as Nagarik Unmukti Party chair	查看 2266	加德满都邮报	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244633	有图 <p>Lawmakers from the ruling Nepali Congress and CPN-UML have alleged that Rastriya Swatantra Party chief Rabi Lamichhane has admitted guilt in cooperatives fraud cases by offering to pay restitution for bail, a charge his party and legal experts reject as his nationwide signature campaign—seen by some as judicial pressure—continues.</p><p>During the special session of the House of Representatives on Tuesday, UML Chief Whip Mahesh Bartaula said that Lamichhane’s willingness to pay restitution in order to secure bail was effectively an admission of guilt.</p><p>“By agreeing to pay restitution and requesting his release on bail, hasn’t the RSP president admitted to the offence? Once the offence is admitted, isn’t this signature drive just a farce?” Bartaula questioned.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Lamichhane, who has been in Rupandehi prison since April 4, filed the petition on August 4 seeking release upon submitting a bank guarantee equivalent to the amount attributed to him, but the court denied him a bail. Lamichhane had submitted bank security worth Rs27.4 million along with his application. </p><p>A single bench of Judge Narayan Prasad Sapkota, following a hearing on Lamichhane’s petition on Monday refused to release him from the judicial custody. </p><p>On Tuesday, ruling party lawmakers claimed that Lamichhane had admitted to the offence, citing the bail amount he deposited to secure his release from prison as the basis for their assertion.</p><p>Lamichhane has been charged with defrauding several credit cooperatives across the country to operate the now defunct Galaxy 4K television channel. Before joining politics in 2022, Lamichhane was associated with the TV as a managing director and hosted a programme.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Except for the Sano Paila cooperative case in Birgunj, all other cases against Lamichhane have entered judicial proceedings. The High Court is currently reviewing appeals regarding bail orders issued by district courts in connection with the Surya Darshan Cooperative in Pokhara, Sahara Cooperative in Chitwan, and Swarnalakshmi Cooperative in Kathmandu. </p><p>Since June 21, the party’s third anniversary, RSP, claiming Lamichhane"s imprisonment is politically motivated, has organised a signature campaign across the country. Party leaders claim that the campaign will continue at least until Dashain-Tihar, the two biggest Hindu festivals which fall in October this year.</p><p>The party’s secretariat meeting held a few days ago claimed that more than 3.2 million signatures had been collected by that date.</p><p>While some legal experts interpret the RSP’s signature campaign while Lamichhane’s case is sub judice in court as an attempt to exert pressure on the judiciary, the party has rejected such allegations and continued the campaign.</p><p>Nepali Congress lawmaker Ishwari Devi Neupane, speaking in Parliament on Tuesday, also asserted that Lamichhane had admitted to the cooperatives fraud by agreeing to pay the bank the restitution amount. Neupane was a member of the parliamentary special committee that investigated the case of crisis-ridden cooperatives last year. In its report, the committee has suggested action against Lamichhane. </p><p>“Lamichhane admitted to the fraud and agreed to pay his share as per the restitution amount,” Neupane said. “While the case is still under consideration in court, a nationwide signature campaign is being run. Does this fall under the rule of law or not? Should this be considered a contempt of court or not?”</p><p>However, RSP lawmaker Shishir Khanal, who was also a member of the parliamentary panel tasked with investigating cooperative-related issues, disagrees with the ruling party lawmakers’ argument.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>“Since party president Lamichhane was charged with a claim for restitution from the outset, his decision to deposit the restitution amount and fight the case from outside prison does not amount to an admission of guilt,” Khanal said.</p><p>Advocate Gandhi Pandit made a similar claim, arguing that agreeing to pay the restitution amount and fight the case from outside prison cannot be considered an admission of guilt.</p><p>Similarly, advocate Om Prakash Aryal stated that although politicians might interpret a post bail equivalent to the restitution amount and fight the case from outside prison as an admission of guilt, the law gives no room for it to be construed as such.</p><p>“Lamichhane’s decision to deposit the security amount and fight the case from outside prison cannot be considered an admission of guilt,” Aryal said.</p> Ruling parties say Rabi Lamichhane admitted guilt by offering to pay bail	查看 5313	加德满都邮报	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244632	有图 <p>The government is currently advancing a bill to amend legal provisions related to polygamy. The Cabinet’s bill committee is reviewing the bill to amend the Criminal Code, 2017. Through this bill, the government is preparing to change the existing law on polygamy.</p><p>What is the new proposed arrangement on polygamy?</p><p>The government is preparing to amend Section 175 of the Criminal Code. The current law states that a married man or a married woman shall not commit polygamy, but the proposed amendment changes the wording to apply to “any married person.”</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>If this amendment is passed by Parliament, Section 175(1) will state, “Any married person shall not enter into another marriage while the previous marital relationship exists.” In addition, the amendment proposal, if endorsed, removes the existing provision under Section 175(2), which states that no woman shall conclude marriage with a man knowingly that he is already married.</p><p>The government has also proposed to add subsections (5A) and (5B) after subsection 5 of Section 175. Currently, subsection 5 states, “The marriage referred to in sub-section (1) shall, ipso facto, be void.” This means the subsequent marriage is automatically cancelled. However, under the new law, polygamous marriages will no longer be automatically void. In specific cases, such marriages will not be annulled, but the person who commits polygamy will face imprisonment and fines.</p><p>For this, the government is amending the Criminal Code with new provisions. The newly proposed subsection (5A) says, “Notwithstanding anything in subsection (5), if a child has been born from the marital relationship or the woman is pregnant, the marriage shall not be annulled solely because of punishment for polygamy.”</p><p>If a woman is pregnant or a child is born from an extramarital relationship, the person will face imprisonment of one to five years and a fine of Rs10,000 to 50,000, but the marriage registration will not be annulled. This is the government’s proposal. Under this law, once the sentence of imprisonment and fine is served, the couple can continue their marital life.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>If a child is born or the woman is pregnant, polygamy will be punishable, but the marriage will not be annulled. The government claims this law protects children’s citizenship and property rights. However, rights activists say the mandatory search for the father gives more power to men.</p><p>The proposed change would grant legal recognition to children born from extramarital relationships. Critics argue this does not aim to curb such relationships but could instead encourage them by effectively legalising them. They say that if the government’s concern was the status of children, it could have addressed the issue by recognising such children’s rights directly or by requiring men engaged in extramarital affairs to divorce their spouses. In their view, the current proposal reinforces patriarchal norms.</p><p>Another provision in subsection (5B) of Section 175 proposes compensation for cases where a marriage happens by deception or fraud. It states: “Notwithstanding anything in subsection 5, if a married man or woman deceives or misleads the other party into believing they are unmarried or that the marriage does not exist, the court shall order reasonable compensation for the aggrieved party.”</p><p>This provision addresses compensation for victims deceived into second marriages. However, it does not specify whether such marriages remain valid or are automatically annulled. This clause only states about compensation.</p><p>After the government’s proposal became public, it faced widespread opposition. Following this, the Cabinet’s bill committee formed a subcommittee for further study.</p><p>What is the government doing after the opposition?</p><p>The government faced criticism over a proposed law seen as recognising polygamy, with questions echoing from social media to the streets and Parliament over whether it is attempting to legalise the practice.</p><p>Opposition and some ruling party lawmakers demanded that government ministers answer these questions in Parliament immediately. Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ajay Kumar Chaurasiya responded on August 6 in the House of Representatives, saying that rumours and interpretations by some media and social networks created confusion and anger among the public.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Minister Chaurasiya said the bill is based on a report prepared by a committee led by then-Supreme Court Justice Ananda Mohan Bhattarai and approved by the full bench of the Supreme Court. The process to update criminal and civil laws was already underway under the previous government. After being reviewed by the Supreme Court and the previous government, the process is now moving forward.</p><p>“The bill committee discussed the bill. It was found that amendments are needed on topics such as polygamy, marriage age, anticipatory bail, and presidential pardons. Therefore, a subcommittee has been formed to study and suggest recommendations,” he said.</p><p>The subcommittee, chaired by Phanindra Gautam, secretary at the Prime Minister’s Office, includes representatives from the Ministry of Law and Women, the Nepal Law Commission, and the Attorney General’s Office. Minister Chaurasiya also assured that no bill allowing polygamy or any negative social impact will be tabled in Parliament.</p><p>What is the current legal provision on marriage?</p><p>The Civil Code Part 3 covers family law, including marriage. Section 67 states that a marriage shall be deemed to have been concluded if a man and a woman accept each other as husband and wife through any occasion, ceremony, formal or other act.</p><p>Section 69 guarantees freedom to marry, maintain a family, and live a family life under the law. It requires all marriages to be publicly registered. The legal age for marriage in Nepal is 20 years.</p><p>Section 74(2) states that if a woman becomes pregnant and gives birth as a result of rape, or if a woman becomes pregnant and gives birth from sexual contact with a male relative in cases of incest, such a relationship will not be considered a marriage. It also clarifies that the constitutional and legal rights of the child born from such a relationship will not be affected.</p><p>What are the punishments and fines for polygamy?</p><p>Under Chapter 11 of the Criminal Code, Section 175 prohibits polygamy.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>It states that no married man shall, during the continuation of the marital relationship, conclude another marriage, and no woman shall conclude marriage with a man knowingly that he is already married.</p><p>Likewise, a person who commits, or causes to be committed the offence shall be liable to a sentence of imprisonment for one year to five years and a fine of ten thousand to fifty thousand rupees, and such marriage shall, ipso facto, be void.</p><p>Who can file a case?</p><p>The first wife can file a complaint against her husband and the second wife, with the government acting as the plaintiff. Proceedings begin only after the victim lodges a complaint; without one, the offence is deemed accepted. As polygamy is socially unacceptable, neighbours or community members can also report it, and the police will act on such information.</p><p>Section 176 establishes a statute of limitations, stating that a complaint under this chapter must be filed within three months from the date the offence is discovered.</p><p>What happens to children born to polygamous marriages?</p><p>The Constitution and law guarantee children’s rights. Article 39 guarantees every child’s right to identity, name, and birth registration. Every child has the right to education, health, care, recreation, and full personality development.</p><p>The Act Relating to Children, 2018, mandates that parents name and register their child’s birth according to law. The Act also grants children the right to maintain contact with their parents unless restricted by the child court. Parents separated by divorce or other reasons must share child support costs based on their capacity.</p><p>Children born to polygamous marriages often face problems when obtaining citizenship, especially if applying under the mother’s name alone. This triggers a mandatory investigation to find the father, causing administrative delays. The second marriage is automatically annulled, complicating matters for the child’s legal rights.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>To address this, a bill allowing citizenship solely through the mother’s name is under consideration in the federal Parliament. The bill proposes that the mother must submit a self-declaration if the father’s name is omitted. The district administration will then issue citizenship based on this declaration, simplifying the process.</p> What changes are being proposed to marriage laws in Nepal?	查看 10077	加德满都邮报	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244631	有图 <p>At the 2006 Asian Games in Doha, Qatar, Nepal won three medals—all bronze and all in taekwondo. Of the three medallists, one was Ayasha Shakya, who was competing on the cusp of adulthood. It marked a beginning for one of Nepal’s most decorated women athletes.</p><p>However, after she grabbed a silver medal, narrowly missing a chance at gold, at the 12th South Asian Games in India in 2016, she thought she was done with the sport. </p><p>Shakya, who won her first SAG gold at the 10th edition in Dhaka, Bangladesh, had tied the knot in 2011 with Deepak Bista, one of Nepal’s legends of the game. Bista was another bronze medal winner alongside Shakya at the 2006 Asian Games and was only the second Nepali to reach the Olympics through qualification.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>By 2016, the couple had two sons, and Shakya wanted to spend her time taking care of the young ones.</p><p>“I was concerned that I needed to take care of my kids, I needed to take care of my family,” Shakya told the Post. “So I stopped thinking about taekwondo.”</p><p>Shakya feels lucky that her husband, Bista, has supported her career in taekwondo. But still, after marrying and having children, she felt pressure to give up her sports for family from people who questioned her decision to continue her athletic career.</p><p>“In Nepal, everything depends on mothers,” she said. “How their child behaves, how their child is educated, everything depends on the mother.”</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Yet, when her first son was 10 months old, she was in training for the 12th SAG despite feeling conflicted about spending time away from her son to compete internationally.</p><p>“It was hard for me at that time,” she recalls. “I also thought, ‘Why am I doing sports? I have a kid now, I need to take care of him.’”</p><p>Despite these doubts, Shakya knew she had to continue her career in athletics because giving up sports would be a waste of her potential.</p><p>“I thought, ‘If not now, when?’ I would have regretted it had I not continued the sport, which was then my passion,” she said. </p><p>Shakya was not satisfied with leaving her sports career behind after the 12th SAG. Thus, when an opportunity to compete once again with the Nepali Army’s taekwondo team knocked on her door, she accepted it and returned to the arena. The decision was followed by a rigorous training regimen, and she won gold when SAG returned to Nepal in 2019 for the 13th edition. This time, she celebrated the achievement with her husband and two sons. </p><p>Nepali women athletes’ struggles</p><p>When Shakya was growing up, she trained with a large team. But as she got older, the number of female companions kept declining.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>“There were lots of girls who used to play, who used to want to be a national athlete, but maybe because of society or their families, they couldn’t continue their sport,” she said.</p><p>A similar scenario still persists for the emerging female athletes of Nepal.</p><p>Twenty-one-year-old Arika Gurung, who trains among the five-person national karate team, has also witnessed many of her former teammates leave the sport.</p><p>In the past, the team was much larger than five people, but some of her female teammates left because they faced sexual harassment from their trainers, while others left training after marrying and having children, Gurung said. The five members of the squad who remain keep training despite the sacrifices and hardships they have gone through.</p><p>“We have had bad days together, but we are still together because of it,” Gurung told the Post. </p><p>Throughout her career, Gurung and her family have faced scrutiny for allowing her to compete in a combat sport as a woman. She remembers people frequently telling her that karate “is a sport only men should do” and that “there is no path for women in this sport.”</p><p>On top of judgmental remarks, national karate players have endured financial hardship. While training to be selected for the national team ahead of the 19th Asian Games, the Nepali team trained without enough money, even for proper food. Gurung and her teammates would travel for more than an hour by foot and public bus, and train three times a day for upwards of 10 hours, having only eaten biscuits worth Rs10. </p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>“It was a really hard time for us,” Gurung said. “We didn"t have money, good facilities, or any resources.” </p><p>It was her commitment and dedication that helped her win a silver medal at the 19th Asian Games in Hangzhou, China, in 2022. </p><p>She received Rs1.9 million for winning Nepal’s third-ever silver medal in the tournament. But as the promising player and team did not get sufficient support afterwards, she invested half of her earnings in the national team so that the group could continue to train and compete in future games. </p><p>Though the team is now better resourced, as karate athletes, they still cannot depend on a steady income. For all the players, the lack of financial security in professional karate made the decision to pursue athletics professionally after passing grade twelve a hard sell to their families. </p><p>“That was a very risky decision,” Gurung said. “It was our first step, but we took it without listening to our families or society.” </p><p>Though Gurung’s family has always been supportive of her athletic career, they thought she would be better off going into a more secure career path. Her family wanted Gurung to point to an example of another female athlete whose path to success she could follow, but she has no reference because no Nepali woman has found the level of success in karate that she is hoping to achieve. Without a clear role model, Gurung is determined to chart her path. </p><p>“I will be that person,” she said. </p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Though the members of the national team are all in their early twenties, they face pressure to prioritise family life over athletics, with friends and relatives encouraging them to get married as soon as possible. When Gurung and her teammates train through their menstrual cycles, they also hear warnings that training too hard will mean they won’t be able to have children.</p><p>“She’s a girl, she can’t do that, she can’t be muscular—those types of words always hit us,” Gurung said. </p><p>Though Gurung can see herself getting married at some point, she won’t consider it unless her partner is supportive of her continuing athletics. </p><p>“If I listened to people, I would have already gotten married,” she said. “As I am a girl, I’m not going to marry a man unless he supports me in this sport.” </p><p>Not stopping is a choice</p><p>After taking a break after the birth of her second child and returning to win two gold medals in both the individual and pair poomsae categories of taekwondo at the 13th SAG, Shakya has proven, both to herself and other female athletes, that women don’t have to struggle between family and athletics. </p><p>In her early days, Shakya recalls her parents’ friends expressing concern that if her competitions left any scars on her face, she would not be able to get married. Yet, she speared through the statements that tried holding her back.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>Today, Shakya looks to examples of other female taekwondo athletes who have found success competing in the world championships through their 60s. Though she is focusing on running her store of Kelme athletic equipment, coaching at her taekwondo academy, and raising her children, she doesn’t plan on ever completely leaving behind her sport. </p><p>“I’m going to compete until I can’t anymore,” she said. “While my legs and hands are still moving, I’m gonna compete.”</p><p>Both Shakya and Gurung have been able to achieve historic wins in their athletic careers so far because they’ve chosen to ignore pressure to leave athletics behind. </p><p>“In Nepal, if you want to get out of the box, you have to think out of the box,” Gurung said. </p><p>Similarly, Shakya says she hasn’t just ignored criticism—she’s used it as fuel. </p><p>“Sometimes you don’t fully believe in yourself, but the bad comments, they have helped me do the work and have discipline,” Shakya said. “The bad words are bitter medicine.” </p><p>Besides martial arts, Nepali women athletes suffer similar problems and setbacks in other sports as well. Several women athletes involved in football, volleyball and athletics, among others, have regularly stressed with the Post that they have had to sacrifice the thought of a happy family while they are active in sports. All because they fear that marriage and having children could end their sporting career, for which they had struggled a lot.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Nepali women athletes often face a dilemma—family or career	查看 10381	加德满都邮报	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244630	有图 <p>Conflict victims filed a writ petition at the Supreme Court challenging the recent appointments to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP).</p><p>Filing their petition on Wednesday, the victims alleged that the government’s latest selection process was marred by political power-sharing and the appointment of unqualified individuals.</p><p>A total of 334 conflict victims demanded revocation of the appointments made in both the TRC and CIEDP claiming that the selection was against the constitution as well as relevant laws.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p>The government in May appointed office bearers in the two transitional justice bodies amidst reservations from the victims as well as rights organisations.</p><p>The conflict victims’ latest move comes after the Supreme Court’s administration had previously refused to register a similar case. The earlier decision was overturned by a single bench of Justice Til Prasad Shrestha quashed the rejection order on Tuesday, clearing the way for registration of the case.</p><p>The petitioners argue that the appointments violate both constitutional and legal provisions, as the genuine stakeholders–the victims–were neither consulted nor informed about the criteria. They claim political parties allocated office bearers’ seats based on quotas for their affiliation, bypassing any merit-based evaluation.</p><p>The victims have asked the court to annul the appointments and to ensure that future selections comply with constitutional safeguards. If the court issues an interim order as per their demand, the newly appointed officials would be barred from continuing their duties.</p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannerdesk-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p><p><img src="https://assets-cdn.kathmandupost.com/uploads/source/ads/bydbannermob-1753675032.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"></p> Conflict victims file petition against transitional justice appointments	查看 2210	加德满都邮报	2025-08-13 00:00:00 2025-08-14 07:53:24	word
3244629	无图 <p>By: Remigio Alexandre do Carmo Vieira</p><p>Introduction: Timor-Leste’s Development Crossroads</p><p>Timor-Leste stands at a critical historical crossroads. With heavy dependence on the oil and gas sector, slow industrialization, and high vulnerability to climate change, the country must take new strategic steps to realize economic sovereignty and effective digital diplomacy. In this context, the recent cancellation of the USD 100 million industrial project by the Discovery Business Industrial Zone (DBIZ) is not merely investment news, but a reflection of broader challenges and opportunities.</p><p>The DBIZ Project Cancellation: A Strategic Decision, Not Rejection</p><p>DBIZ decided to withdraw from the three-phase project worth USD 100 million after reconsidering its investment focus. The company affirmed that the cancellation was not due to rejection of Timor-Leste’s potential, but rather a strategic reorientation to align with long-term goals and corporate values (Ministry of Trade of Timor-Leste, 2023). Nevertheless, DBIZ maintains its existing 23-year business operations in the country and commits to supporting national development moving forward.</p><p>This decision raises critical questions regarding investment attractiveness, industrial readiness, and an adequate national policy framework to support large-scale projects.</p><p>Implications of the DBIZ Cancellation for Timor-Leste</p> Emphasizing the Need for a Strong Financial Pillar: The National Development Bank<p>The failure to attract and retain large-scale investments like DBIZ underscores the importance of establishing a strong, focused national financial institution—a National Development Bank (NDB). Brazil exemplifies how building a national development bank can sustainably support industrial growth and innovation (World Bank, 2020). An NDB functions as a strategic development financing institution that can reduce reliance on foreign investments, which are often speculative and less sustainable (Timor Economic Journal, 2024).</p><p>With an NDB, Timor-Leste could channel funds into productive sectors such as agriculture, renewable energy, and manufacturing—avoiding the trap of unsustainable “mega projects” vulnerable to cancellation. However, success requires technocratic autonomy and policy alignment to prevent short-term political manipulation (Timor Economic Journal, 2024).</p> Reevaluating Re-Export Strategies and Industrial Zones<p>DBIZ planned to build an industrial zone potentially contributing to a re-export strategy at Tibar Bay Port—focusing on importing goods, repackaging, and forwarding using preferential trade schemes (Ministry of Trade of Timor-Leste, 2023).</p><p>However, global experience warns that such strategies can result in “ghost industries”—high trade volume but low local value-added, limited job creation, and continued dependence on foreign inputs and markets (Asian Development Bank, 2019). The project cancellation should prompt the government to strengthen national quality certification and rules of origin, while integrating local businesses to ensure real domestic value-added.</p> Optimizing Digital Diplomacy and AI Technology<p>In an increasingly complex geopolitical era, small countries like Timor-Leste can leverage AI-based digital diplomacy to amplify their voice on the international stage, especially on existential issues such as climate change (UNCTAD, 2023). Estonia is a prime example, leading in e-governance and digital diplomacy in Europe, thereby enhancing global influence despite its small size (European Union Institute for Security Studies, 2022).</p><p>Nevertheless, investment in digital infrastructure and capacity building is essential to avoid underutilization of technology, as cautioned by UNCTAD (2023).</p><p>Within Timor-Leste, digitalization efforts such as the newly launched MSSI Online social security application (Tatoli News, 2025), the Covid-19 application under PM Taur Matan Ruak’s administration (Government of Timor-Leste, 2020), and BNCTL’s ATM Payone digital financial services (BNCTL, 2024) demonstrate foundational steps toward integrated digital diplomacy.</p><p>Conclusion: Building Coherence and Economic Sovereignty</p><p>The cancellation of the DBIZ project is not a failure of Timor-Leste but an alarm highlighting the need for an integrated development framework connecting three main pillars: strategic financial institutions (NDB), industrialization and diversification based on port infrastructure (re-export strategy), and innovative digital diplomacy.</p><p>The government must establish a National Development Coordination Council to integrate finance, industry, and diplomacy sectors in designing a cohesive and sustainable national strategy.</p><p>Economic sovereignty is not an empty dream but the result of careful planning, visionary leadership, and strong institutional design. Timor-Leste has the vision and talent; now is the time to unite the best innovations into concrete steps toward sovereignty, dignity, and sustainable prosperity.</p><p>Policy Recommendations</p>Form a National Development Coordination Council integrating financial, industrial, and diplomatic policies cohesively.Ensure technocratic independence and sector focus for the National Development Bank, avoiding detrimental political interference.Develop a national certification and logistics system to improve credibility of the re-export strategy and attract value-adding investment.Invest heavily in digital infrastructure and AI training, especially for government officials.Utilize digital diplomacy for national branding, investment promotion, and multilateral negotiations—not just for climate advocacy.<p>References</p><p>Asian Development Bank. (2019). Trade and industry in developing countries: The role of re-export strategies. Asian Development Bank Publications.</p><p>BNCTL. (2024). Annual report 2023: Digital financial services in Timor-Leste. Banco Nacional de Crédito Timor-Leste.</p><p>European Union Institute for Security Studies. (2022). Digital diplomacy and small states: The Estonian example. EUISS Reports.</p><p>Ministry of Trade of Timor-Leste. (2023). Investment and industrial project report 2023. Dili: Government of Timor-Leste.</p><p>Government of Timor-Leste. (2020). National Covid-19 application and pandemic response. Dili: Ministry of Health.</p><p>Tatoli News. (2025, August 5). Social security services now available online, MSSI launches new application. Retrieved from https://id.tatoli.tl/2025/08/05/pelayanan-jaminan-sosial-kini-bisa-online-mssi-luncurkan-aplikasi-baru/</p><p>Timor Economic Journal. (2024). Development of national development banks in emerging countries. Vol. 12(1), 45-60.</p><p>UNCTAD. (2023). Digital transformation and climate diplomacy for small island developing states. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.</p><p>World Bank. (2020). National development banks: Their role in economic growth and development. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications. (*)</p><p>About the Author</p><p>Remigio Alexandre do Carmo Vieira is a policy analyst, activist, and Master of Science candidate in International Relations and Economic Development at Atlantic International University. He regularly writes on strategic issues concerning Timor-Leste’s developmental future.</p> Three Overlooked Pillars: The Path to Economic Sovereignty and Digital Diplomacy for Timor-Leste - TATOLI Agência Noticiosa de Timor-Leste	查看 7334	塔托利新闻社	2025-08-11 09:58:17 2025-08-14 07:42:25	word

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